Korea- Strategy for Green Technology Development- December 8, 2010

http://www.koreafocus.or.kr/design2/economy/view.asp?volume_id=105&content_id=103362&category=B

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Won Jang-mook

Director of the Energy Technology Policy Division
Korea Institute of Technology Evaluation and Planning

Until recently, Korea's energy research and development has been focused on turning green energy industries into a new growth locomotive on the basis of green energy technology development. In order to take the initiative in the green industry market in the new global era, however, Korea now needs additional strategies that reflect its pending national policy goals, such as securing core green energy technologies, attaining greenhouse gas emission reduction targets, and fostering small- and medium-sized enterprises.
Accordingly, the nation is required to pursue a strategy of creating new business models and fostering corporate leaders capable of implementing the business models while shifting to a new energy R&D structure to penetrate into the global markets. By doing so, the nation will be able to better cope with the era of energy and climate change. As part of the efforts to help stimulate private sector business, a set of tailored action plans based on a comprehensive assessment of market circumstances, including global competition and corporate investment trends, should be crafted. The direction of relevant strategies should be set in accordance with such action plans.
Above all, it is necessary to select strategic products in line with large conglomerates` massive investments in new renewable energies and energy efficiency improvements. Then the government has to promote the parts and materials industry on the basis of an analysis of their distribution networks. Due to its weakness in the core parts and materials industry, Korea could lose the bulk of its state subsidies for green energy distribution projects to foreign companies. Urgent measures are needed to prevent the outflows.
Global corporate leaders in the fields of green energy technologies have created their own unique business models by coping proactively with new changes in external environments, including climate change. The leading corporations have built unrivaled strongholds on the strength of technological advancement and vertical systemization through sustained technology development. They have also positioned themselves as global front-runners by securing corporate growth engines through sound partnership with their governments.
In one instance, Vestas has unarguably grown into the world`s largest company in wind power generator systems, through preemptive technology development and overseas market expansion. The Danish wind turbine manufacturer used the outbreak of the first oil crisis as an opportunity to jump into the wind power generator system business.
Suntec, a China-based solar panel products manufacturer, has become No. 2 or 3 in the world after achieving rapid growth in domestic sales on the basis of the Chinese government`s policy to expand the supply of renewable energy. Suntec is a typical case in which a latecomer lacking in original technologies has risen to become a world leader by effectively taking advantage of government assistance and securing price competitiveness on the basis of low-cost production technologies at home.
U.S. solar panel maker First Solar Inc. aggressively invested in cadmium telluride thin film solar cells, while other companies were preparing for the commercialization of silicon solar cells. First Solar eventually developed new non-silicon cell products that have stronger competitiveness in price than silicon solar cells, rising to become the world`s leading producer of thin film solar panels.
The absence of core materials and parts and materials technologies has become an obstacle for Korean companies. Our green technology development strategy calls for devising systemic programs to foster leading global enterprises capable of securing the core parts and materials and materials technologies through innovative technology development efforts. Currently, Korea is heavily dependent on foreign products in core green technologies. The nation`s foreign dependence ratio for solar cells and light-emitting diode chips stands at 74 percent and 70 percent, respectively. In this regard, domestic small- and medium-sized firms are required to play a greater role in the supply of core green parts and materials.
Small and medium-sized and large companies in Korea are urgently required to establish a win-win cooperation structure in order to secure original technologies. Furthermore, it is also necessary to intensively foster middle-standing enterprises that are capable of making inroads into the global markets. At present, the nation`s task success rate reaches up to 98 percent but global hit products or star enterprises are extremely rare. It has yet to establish differentiated R&D strategies for small and medium-sized companies.
It is important to reflect core strategic technologies for middle-standing enterprises in the green energy technology road map, foster technology-intensive, star middle-standing enterprises and develop special R&D programs to produce top global brand products by 2015. At the same time, efforts should be made to develop innovative and original technologies that can revolutionize the market by creating new markets. An “innovative future energy technology” refers to one that can help local companies overcome current technological obstacles, achieve remarkable performance improvements, and preoccupy overseas markets by shortening the target period for commercialization.
In conclusion, it is very important to cope with climate change, foster leading global companies, secure innovative technologies vital to green growth momentum, and upgrade national competitiveness by dividing roles between the government and the private sector on the basis of corporate business models. A concrete strategy road map for green energy technologies should be devised as an action plan to yield actual outcomes in the long term.

Korea- President Lee to Attend the 2nd Global Policy Forum in Yaroslavl, Russia- 2010-09-03

http://www.koreapost.com/bbs/board.php?bo_table=Govt_Politics&wr_id=95

President Lee to Attend the 2nd Global Policy Forum in Yaroslavl, Russia

The President is scheduled to visit the Russian Federation to attend the second Global Policy Forum in Yaroslavl September 9-10 at the invitation of President Dmitry Medvedev. During the stay, the President will deliver a keynote address at the Forum and hold a summit with the Russian President. The President is to return home on September 11.

The Global Policy Forum is expected to be attended by some 500 leading figures from 20 countries, including government officials and academicians as well as other influential dignitaries from Russian society.

In line with the theme of the Second Forum “The Modern State: Standards of Democracy and Criteria of Efficiency,” the Russian Government has invited the President to deliver a keynote speech as the Republic of Korea is well known for its successful achievement of modernization and the development of knowledge-based industries.

During his address, the Korean President is expected to introduce Korea’s experiences in democratization and economic progress. He will also express the country’s commitment to working together with the Russian Government for the modernization of the economy, one of the key administrative goals of Russia.

In addition, he will lay out a vision for the development of democracy founded on economic growth and the advancement of information and communications technology. He will also underscore the necessity for Korea and Russia to expand and deepen their strategic cooperative partnership for the sake of mutual prosperity.

On September 10, the President and President Medvedev will hold a summit to discuss how to give concrete substance to and further promote the strategic cooperative partnership on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of diplomatic ties between Korea and Russia this year.

In addition, the two leaders will engage in a discussion of ways to step up substantive cooperation in the areas of mutual interest, including the successful hosting of the G20 Seoul Summit in November and Russia’s efforts to modernize its economy and develop energy and other resources as well as develop far eastern Siberia. They will also exchange a wide range of views on recent developments in the international situation surrounding the Korean Peninsula and in East Asia.

Korea- [Editorial] Health care reform- 2011-01-1

http://www.koreaherald.com/opinion/Detail.jsp?newsMLId=20110113000399

Encouraged by the electoral success of its free school meal program last year, the main opposition Democratic Party has recently unveiled a plan to offer free medical services for the entire population. The scheme, together with the party’s proposals for free child care and halved college tuition fees, is fueling a growing debate on welfare.

The DP’s health care plan calls for raising the coverage of medical bills by the National Health Insurance from the current 62 percent to 90 percent over the next five years. It would also lower the ceiling for out-of-pocket payments by patients from the current 4 million won to 1 million won, while extending the NHI’s reach to cover some 2.4 million low-income people who are currently excluded from it.

The DP projected its new proposal would increase the NHI’s annual expenditure by 8.1 trillion won. This spending growth, it said, can be covered by collecting more premiums from employees at companies and by expanding the government’s fiscal support.

The opposition party’s scheme comes at a time when calls for health care reform are growing. Korea’s health insurance system has been touted as an efficient, low-cost program to provide health care to the public. But it has limitations, including high patient co-payments, a wide range of non-covered services, and the exclusion of low-income people who cannot pay into the insurance scheme.

The DP’s proposal is intended to address these weaknesses. But the problem is that the sustainability of the health insurance system is in question even at the current level of coverage. On Jan. 3, the National Health Insurance Corp. reported it ran a 1.3 trillion won deficit last year.

This year’s deficit is expected to be cut to 500 billion won thanks to a 5.9 percent increase in contributions. But budget shortfall is forecast to snowball down the road due to rapid population aging, expansion of coverage, introduction of expensive medical equipment and demand for better health services. According to a recent study, the NHI’s annual deficit would reach 22 trillion won in 2030 if the current income and expenditure structure is maintained ― even without factoring in the accelerating pace of population aging.

Hence, the current health care system needs reform to curb the rapid rise in spending. The biggest challenge facing policymakers is to reform the current fee-for-service payment system that encourages hospitals to increase the volume of services to patients, even by inducing unnecessary treatments, to maximize profits.

To correct this incentive structure, policymakers need to adopt the “diagnostic-related group” approach that classifies patients according to illness and applies standard treatment charges to patients in the same category. This approach has been found to reduce unnecessary treatment and the length of hospital stays. Currently used for eight illnesses, the DRG payment system needs to be more broadly used to achieve cost savings.

The main hurdle to the shift in payment system is the Korean Medical Association’s opposition to it. The doctors’ organization is concerned that the DRG approach could lower hospital revenues and thereby their incomes. Here the government and the ruling Grand National Party can expect cooperation from the DP because the opposition party’s proposal also calls for a transition to the DRG approach.

Together with the payment system reform, policymakers need to implement other steps that can help curb health spending. For instance, they need to reduce expenditures on drugs, shift long-term care from hospitals to less expensive care, promote healthy aging, and introduce the general practitioner system.

DP leaders need to realize that these spending cut measures need to be implemented first before raising the NHI coverage. Otherwise, the expenditure increase would go out of control, making the health insurance system unsustainable. Focusing on free medical services without seeking to enhance the health care system’s efficiency would be nothing more than a populist policy.

Korea- Politicians fight to score with welfare- 2011-01-13

http://www.koreaherald.com/national/Detail.jsp?newsMLId=20110113000746

Welfare has emerged as a keyword for the 2012 presidential election as the main opposition Democratic Party finalized a package of “universal welfare” pledges as its central campaign strategy on Thursday.

The move came weeks after Rep. Park Geun-hye, the leading presidential hopeful of the ruling Grand National Party by far, suggested what she called “tailored” welfare policies for Koreans: limiting the provision of benefits to the bottom 70 percent of earners.

Now all eyes are on which of the two ― universal or expanded but still limited ― styles of welfare will gain public support.

According to the DP, free child care is the latest add-on to its “free” policies covering school meals and medical services.

Party members agreed to adopt the plan to cover child care costs for 80 percent of families with children under 4 years old, and all families with 5-year-olds. They also decided to push for the “half college fee” project, in which the government subsidizes half of university enrollment fees to all students.
Democratic Party Chairman Sohn Hak-kyu (right) and floor leader Park Jie-won in conversation during the party’s general meeting in Seoul, Thursday. (Yonhap News)

“The plans will come into effect gradually to avoid tax shock to people. But by adjusting several structures, we can achieve all,” said DP Chairman Sohn Hak-kyu.

“Universal welfare is just what we need. We are sure that our financial status is capable of its performance,” he added.

With such policies, the DP seeks to catch up with Park, who garnered more than 40 percent of support at a recent poll.

In local elections in June, the party celebrated a surprise victory against the GNP when it prioritized free school meals in election campaigns. The party is now determined to continue this enthusiasm, insiders said.
Grand National Party Chairman Ahn Sang-soo (right) denounces the opposition party’s free school meal plan during the party’s Supreme Council meeting in Seoul, Thursday.

Lee Sang-gu, researcher at the Welfare State Society, said unsversal welfare was quite feasible.

“Welfare should be guaranteed to all people. It would be a great motivation to people to receive equal support from the government,” he said.

The GNP and other conservatives slammed the plan as “cheap populism,” which would fritter away state funds.

Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon, also a GNP member, is now in a struggle against liberal city educational superintendent Kwak No-hyun over the provision of free school meals.

“I will not let populism ruin the city administration,” Oh said. He suggested support for underprivileged children, which the GNP reaffirmed.

Skepticism prevails over the feasibility of both welfare plans.

President Lee Myung-bak recently said: “We have learned through other countries’ cases that welfare populism could easily break down a country’s future and welfare itself.”

Professor Yoon Jong-bin of Chung Ang University said the importance of welfare will grow as more people are attached to the issue. “However, I am concerned that the parties are jumping on the bandwagon without careful consideration of its feasibility,” he said.

Korea- DP divided over tax, welfare- 2011-01-21

http://www.koreaherald.com/national/Detail.jsp?newsMLId=20110121000616

Are Koreans ready to pay more taxes in return for free school meals, nurseries and medical fees?

How to finance “universal welfare” is now haunting the main opposition Democratic Party after it announced a slew of pledges for broader welfare benefits to attract voters in the 2012 general and presidential elections.

Party members are facing off over how to finance the 16.4 trillion won ($14.7 billion) a year project.

Rep. Chung Dong-young, member of the party’s Supreme Council, ignited the spark on Thursday by suggesting a net wealth tax.

In a seminar, he said the government could secure up to 10 trillion won a year from a 1 percent income tax on those with more than 3 billion won and levying a 1 percent wealth tax on the 36 enterprises with assets exceeding 1 trillion won.

“According to a National Tax Service report, the number of individuals that meet the condition is 270,000, just 0.58 percent of the population. The net wealth tax will be the only way to minimize the shock of tax hikes and reduce economic inequality in society at the same time,” he said.

Chung said Korea’s total tax rate was 19.3 percent, some 7.3 percent lower than the OECD average. “We must admit that the universal welfare system requires a tax increase.”

Chung’s remarks appear to target his in-house rival and party chairman Sohn Hak-kyu, who has repeatedly affirmed that universal welfare without tax hikes was possible through adjustments to the fiscal structure, revenue and expenditure structure while reinforcing some policies.

“Rolling back on tax cuts on the rich and slashing the budget for some wasteful projects such as the four river refurbishment and others could make the whole plan feasible without shouldering any more tax,” he said, showing his disapproval of Chung.

Net wealth taxes were adopted in many European countries decades ago as a way of generating more resources without tax resistance, but they now remain in only a handful of countries such as France, Switzerland, Norway and Liechtenstein.

Sohn and other leaders within the party have indicated that they are against the new tax, insisting universal welfare will create a “virtuous circle.”

The DP’s stance acknowledges the findings of a report by the Korea Economic Research Institute. According to the report, Koreans think that they must pursue universal welfare and that the state must intervene in reducing income gaps among society. But at the same time they are negative on raising taxes to finance the welfare.

Rep. Kang Bong-kyun and several others from financial bureaucratic backgrounds said they will form an in-house committee to study the feasibility of both sides.

“We agree with that we need to expand the welfare programs. But we must take some lessons from failures European countries had faced,” Kang said in a media interview.

Outside the party, the ruling GNP, which has recently suggested “selective welfare,” expanding the beneficiaries to bottom 70 percent of the income bracket, sneered at the DP.

Hong Joon-pyo, the party’s floor leader, degraded the plan as anachronistic and idealistic. “The DP’s plan will create tax bombs,” he said.

“If DP really wants the plan that bad, the party should have executed it 10 years ago, when it was the ruling party,” said Rep. Shim Jae-chul.

“Younger generations, who will have to support the aging society, will be heavily burdened once again,” he said.

The Presidential Council for Future and Vision on Friday suggested to President Lee Myung-bak that making a fine balance between universal and selective welfares is needed. “Welfare should not be a subject of populism,” said Kwak Seung-jun, president of the council.

Korea- Childbirths grow for 9th month in Nov.- 2011-01-24

http://www.koreaherald.com/business/Detail.jsp?newsMLId=20110124000575

Childbirths in Korea grew for the ninth consecutive month in November as the economic recovery encouraged couples to have more babies, a report showed Monday.

According to the report by Statistics Korea, the number of babies born in November was about 41,200, up 17 percent or 6,000 from the same month a year earlier.

The latest figure marked the ninth consecutive on-year growth since last March. It is also the third straight month that the number has exceeded the 40,000 mark, the report showed.

“The increase in childbirth can be attributed to relatively fast-improving economic conditions, which resulted in more marriages and encouraged couples to have more babies as well,” an official of the statistics agency said.

The November figures brought the total number of baby births during the first 11 months of last year to around 434,100, up 5.6 percent from a year ago, the report showed.

The increase comes amid concerns here that Korea’s relatively low birthrate could undercut the nation’s long-term growth and raise welfare expenses.

The ongoing economic recovery also helped more couples tie the knot in the cited month.

The report said that the number of newlyweds came to 30,200 in November, up 12.3 percent from the same month a year earlier.

Between January and November, the total number of marriages stood at 288,400, up 5.4 percent from a year ago.

Divorces rose 6.9 percent to 10,800 last November, while death totaled 22,000, up 4.3 percent from a year earlier, according to the report.

In a separate report, the statistics agency said that a total of 727,000 people changed their official residency in December, down 2.1 percent from the same month a year earlier.

(Yonhap News)

Korea- 민간모금기관의 경쟁체제가 능동적 복지인가?- 2008/11/11

http://blog.peoplepower21.org/Welfare/40606

이명박 정부, 민간모금기관까지 정권의 산하기관으로 만들어 통제하려해
손숙미 의원의 사회복지공동모금회법 전부개정법률안 폐기돼야 마땅해

지난 6일 한나라당 손숙미 의원이 사회복지공동모금회법 전부개정법률안(의안번호 1789)을 발의하였다. 이명박 정부와 보건복지가족부(이하 복지부)를 대신하여 발의한 것이 공지의 사실인 이 법안은 “전문모금기관의 승인제도를 통해 민간모금시장의 경쟁과 다원화를 꾀함으로써 민간모금의 활성화를 촉진하기 위함”이라고 법 개정의 취지를 밝히고 있다. 그러나 이번 개정안은 능동적 복지 하에서 민간복지재원을 정권의 의도대로 통제하겠다는 발상에 다름 아니며, 여기에 더하여 그간 정부로부터 독립적 지위를 갖고 자율적으로 운영되어 온 사회복지공동모금회(이하 공동모금회)에 대한 길들이기의 성격을 담고 있다. 참여연대 사회복지위원회(위원장: 김종해 가톨릭대 교수)는 이명박 정부가 약속한 능동적 복지를 실현하기 위한 예산은 확보하지 않은 채 공동모금회의 해체와 민간모금기관의 통제에 열을 올리는 정부와 한나라당을 규탄하며, 민간모금시장 질서의 커다란 왜곡과 퇴행을 가져올 이번 개정안의 자진 철회를 촉구한다.

개정안은 복수의 민간전문모금기관을 통해 국민의 기부 선택권을 보장하고 민간모금시장의 활성화를 꾀하는 것을 핵심으로 하고 있으며, 이를 위해 복지부 산하에 차관이 위원장인 전문모금기관위원회를 설치하여 이들 기관에 대한 지정, 평가 및 지원 기능을 하도록 하고 있다. 또한 전문모금기관협회를 두어 이들 기관간의 모금액의 배분 및 조정, 모금의 전문지식 개발, 종사자 훈련 등을 행하도록 하는 등 전문모금기관의 지배구조와 운영에 대한 자세한 규정을 두고 있다. 그러나 이 개정안은 김영삼 정부 말기인 1997년 4월 사회복지계와 시민사회가 국민의 자발적 성금에 대한 정부의 통제와 관리권을 국민에게 되돌려준다는 명분하에 만들었던 사회복지공동모금회법을 스스로 뒤엎는 자가당착적 법안이다. 최근 복지부는 공동모금회의 3천억 원에 가까운 모금액에 대한 정부의 영향력이 거의 없다는 점에 대해 스스로 문제라고 규정하고, 공동모금회가 민간기관으로서 갖게 되는 의사결정상의 부분적 오류를 확대해석하여 자신들의 통제권 강화를 꾸준히 시도해왔다. 이번 개정안은 이명박 정부 출범 후 팽창하는 복지재정 수요를 국가예산보다는 민간의 재원으로 대체하려는 국가복지 책임의 방기를 분명하게 의도하고 있다. 국가 감세정책에 의한 복지예산을 민간모금으로 대체하겠다는 것인가? 이번 개정안은 당장 철회해야 마땅하다.

이번 개정안은 다음과 같은 문제점을 분명히 가지고 있다. 첫째, 이 법안은 전제부터가 잘못 되어있다. 법안은 지금까지 민간모금이 활성화되지 않은 이유가 마치 경쟁체제가 도입되지 않아 기부에 대한 국민선택권이 확보되지 않는 것으로 전제하고 있으나 이미 민간모금시장은 충분히 경쟁적이며 국민들은 매일 쏟아지는 각종 기부홍보물에 노출되어있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 미국의 1인당 연간 기부액이 113만원인 반면 한국의 연간기부액이 10만원 수준으로 10분의 1에도 못 미치는 이유는 모금기관간의 경쟁이 이뤄지지 않아서가 아니라, 아직도 기부 받는 기관들에 대한 사회적 신뢰성이 제고되지 못하고 있기 때문이다. 10년 전 출범 당시 연간모금액 150억 원에서 2007년 2,500억 원의 모금액을 기록한 가장 대표적이고, 공익적인 기관의 하나인 공동모금회의 지위를 끌어내리고 비슷한 공동모금기관들을 양산한다는 것은 아무런 실익이 없다.

둘째, 이 법안은 전제만이 아니라 그 해법 역시 잘못되어 있다. 전문모금기관의 승인과 평가 등 감독을 위해 복지부 산하에 전문모금기관위원회를 두고 5년마다 평가한다는 것은 정부가 민간모금기관에 대한 통제권을 갖게 된다는 점에서 기관 운영의 독립성과 배분의 공정성에 심각한 문제를 야기하게 될 것이다. 결국 이는 모금기관에 대한 국민의 불신도 불러일으킬 것이 자명하다. 특히 해방 후 거의 50년간 존재해 왔던 ‘기부금품모집규제법’이 그동안 기부금 모집에 대한 정부의 통제권을 행사한 대표적인 악법으로 성토의 대상이 되어 겨우 2년 전에 전부 개정된 점을 상기해보면 이번 개정안은 또 다른 기부금품모집규제법을 부활시키는 악법이 될 것이다.

셋째, 이 법안은 지난 10년간 민간의 자율기구로서 어렵게 성장하며 ‘사랑의 열매’를 통해 발전해온 공동모금회의 성과를 하루아침에 붕괴시키는 우를 범하고 있다. 공동모금회는 현재 중앙본부와 16개의 지회를 통해 우리나라 전체와 지역사회를 대표하는 경제계, 종교계, 법조계, 시민사회계, 학계 등의 명사들과 전문가들 수천 명이 자원봉사의 형태로 결합되어있는 순수민간 자율적 모금 및 배분기관이다. 공동모금회는 소외되고 고통 받는 취약계층을 위해 민간의 자발적 기부를 촉발시켜 지난 10년간 15배나 모금액을 신장시켰고, 공정하고 투명한 절차를 통해 큰 잡음 없이 기부액을 배분해 온 것이 주지의 사실이다. 그러나 이명박 정부는 산하기관도 아닌 공동모금회의 회장과 사무총장을 사퇴시키려 했고, 결국 국가인권위원회가 이의 부당함을 인정하고 복지부 책임자에 대한 징계권고 결정을 내리는 등 괜한 우여곡절에 휩쓸렸었다. 이번 개정안은 이 같은 정황상 공동모금회를 고사시키거나 길들이기 위한 목적으로 발의된 것이 아닌가 하는 의구심을 갖게 한다. 만일 그렇다면 이는 우리나라의 기부문화를 발전시키고, 그 성과가 자리 잡길 염원해 온 그간의 사회적 노력을 완전히 무산시키는 엄청난 오류를 저지르는 것이다.

넷째, 이 법안은 급조된 탓인지 조악함과 부적절한 내용까지 담고 있다. 우선 기존의 공동모금회에 적용되던 이사회 및 분과위원회 구성, 모금과 배분에 대한 규정을 향후 수없이 탄생할 모든 전문모금기관에 적용하고 있다. 이로 인해 국민들은 제각기 운영되는 수많은 또 다른 공동모금회들의 난립에서 오는 혼란에 직면할 수밖에 없다. 즉, 연말이면 수많은 기관들이 ‘사랑의 열매’, ‘사랑의 꽃(?)’, ‘사랑의 나무(?)’ 등을 내세워 신문과 TV에 나와 경쟁적으로 기부해 줄 것을 요구할 것이다. 또한 8월 31일이면 수많은 전문모금기관들이 일제히 사업공고를 내어 수혜기관의 입장에선 한때만의 배분 폭탄을 맞게 함으로써 상시적인 사업진행에 차질이 빚어질 것이다. 또한 이들 전문모금기관들마다 1명의 회장, 3명의 부회장, 12명 이상 각계대표가 고르게 포함된 이사, 그리고 4개 분과에 80명 이상의 위원들을 확보한 거대한 조직이 꾸려지게 됨으로써 아마도 인력난을 겪는 진풍경까지 볼 수 있게 되어있다.

다섯째, 개정안은 전문모금기관협회라는 옥상옥 구조를 만들어 정부가 재정을 부담하도록 함으로써 이 협회의 회장과 임원, 사무국을 운영하는 데에 국고를 낭비하며 이 기관을 통해 상시적인 전문모금기관에 대한 간섭과 통제를 대신하려는 노림수까지 두고 있다. 개정안의 비용추계서에 따르면 정부는 최소한 초기설치에 필요한 임대료 등 2억 원, 전문모금기관협회 운영에 3억7천백만원 등이 소요된다고 스스로 밝히고 있으나 이 정도로 그칠 사안이 아님은 불 보듯 뻔하다. 이는 재정의 효율성을 강조하는 현 정부의 기조에도 배치되는 일이 아닐 수 없다.

결론적으로 이번 개정안은 복지부가 오랫동안 꿈꿔온 대로 차제에 공동모금회를 산하기관화 하겠다는 움직임과, 민간재원의 동원으로 국가재정투여책임을 대신하고 동시에 코드인사가 관철되지 못한 기관에 대한 길들이기를 시도하려는 움직임이 합쳐진 악법이며 졸작이다. 참여연대 사회복지위원회는 이러한 불순한 동기와 잘못된 내용으로 가득한 법률이 통과되어 이제 막 피어나는 기부문화와 민간기관의 자율적 의사결정 구조의 정착, 그리고 무엇보다도 국가예산이 아닌 민간재원 투여를 통한 사회복지기관의 자율적 사업집행 등의 긍정적 효과를 무력화하는 일은 절대 일어나서는 안 된다는 점을 분명히 하는 바이다. 설혹 공동모금회가 민간의 자율적 운영과정에서 나타날 수 있는 오류가 있다면 현행 법 하에서도 사회복지법인에 대해 갖고 있는 복지부의 기본적인 감독권과 이사 해임권, 그리고 감사원의 감사권, 심지어는 국회의 국정감사권 등을 통해 충분히 가능하다.

18대 국회 보건복지가족위원회는 이제 첫 국정감사를 끝내고, 예산심의 및 법률심의에 본격적으로 접어든다. 경제위기로 인해 도탄에 빠진 국민들을 위해 수많은 제도적 보완이 절실하게 요구되는 마당에 사회복지공동모금회법 전부개정안과 같은 법을 심의하는데 쓸데없는 노력을 낭비하는 것은 18대 국회에 걸었던 국민들의 기대를 저버리는 일이 아닐 수 없다. 특히 한나라당 손숙미 의원은 두고두고 사회복지계에 오점을 남긴 의원으로 기록되지 않기 위해서라도 본 개정안을 철회하는 것이 뒤늦게나마 최선의 선택이란 점을 명심해야 할 것이다.

Korea- GNP to push for constitutional revision committee- 2011-01-27

http://www.koreaherald.com/national/Detail.jsp?newsMLId=20110127000617

The ruling party will push to organize a special legislative committee for a constitutional amendment during next month’s extraordinary parliamentary session, its floor leader said Thursday, a move aimed at putting the sensitive issue to an open public debate.

The Grand National Party’s internal discussion about revising the Constitution to allow the president to seek re-election has recently gained momentum. President Lee Myung-bak raised the need to change the current single five-year presidency law and other parts of the Constitution so it can reflect times on important issues such as basic rights and gender equality.

“By law, the parliament is required to convene an extraordinary session on the first day of every second month,” GNP floor leader Kim Moo-sung said during a high-level policy consultation meeting between the party and the government.

“So we are going to submit a request for the convention on Friday to start a month-long extraordinary session from Feb. 1,” Kim said.
Rep. Lee Koon-hyon of the ruling Grand National Party delivers an opening address during a forum on constitutional revision at the National Assembly on Thursday. (Yonhap News)

The meeting was held at the prime minister’s official residence and attended by 19 senior party officials, including Chairman Ahn Sang-soo and Kim, Prime Minister Kim Hwang-sik, 14 Cabinet ministers and five presidential aides.

The GNP floor leader predicted that such contentious issues as the opposition’s “populist” welfare drive, inflation, soaring housing rental costs and the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease will dominate the February session.

Constitutional revision can also become a hot issue, he added. (Yonhap News)

Korea- Corporations donate to CCK even as public holds back- 2011-01-30


When a scandal over the misuse of funds by Community Chest Korea hit in mid-October, donations to South Korea’s biggest charity plummeted.

But while much of the public shunned the charity, major conglomerates such as Samsung Group, POSCO and LG Group donated large sums of money just weeks after the scandal erupted.

Both Samsung and POSCO defended their donations recently, while LG declined to comment. Another major conglomerate who donated to the CCK defended its donation but refused to be named. According to the CCK, for the last five years 65 percent of donations have been corporate, with the rest coming from the general public.

A spokesman for POSCO, which along with its affiliates made an end of year donation of 10 billion won ($8.97 million) to the CCK, cited the resignation of its leadership and the impact that withholding the money would have on the poor as reasons for donating as usual. He also said there was a lack of alternative charities to give to.

Although there are other charities in Korea, the CCK is the only one which is state-endorsed and acts as an umbrella group that gives to other worthy organizations.

Other smaller charities were also hit by misappropriation scandals, affecting public trust in charities generally. Even scandal-free charities, such as the Salvation Army, also reported a drop in donations.

A Samsung spokesman who spoke on condition of anonymity said the group had waited until the resignation of the CCK leadership before giving its 20 billion won donation before Christmas and added that donations have been part of its yearly schedule since 2004.

“We thought it was the right timing. ... We waited for a while to see the end of the corruption issue,” the spokesman said.

The spokesman said the group was not in a position to comment on the fact that 55 percent of CCK’s staff had been punished for misconduct.

In the first 10 days of its yearend campaign, the CCK collected 6 billion won ― down a staggering 42.6 billion won from the same period the previous year. As of Dec. 31, individual donations had gone down about 18 percent, from 55.6 billion won to 45.8 billion won.

The CCK pointed out that over the course of the year donations rose about 7 billion won from 2009 to 338 billion won last year. The period covered by this figure, however, is mostly before the scandal hit.

An inspection by the Ministry of Health and Welfare in mid October found that officials at provincial offices of South Korea’s only government-backed charity had misappropriated up to 700 million won in donations. Donations had been misused for drinks, karaoke, skiing and other illegitimate expenses.

The CCK’s entire leadership, including chairman Yoon Byung-chul, resigned as a result of the scandal. New CCK chairman Lee Dong-gun, who is a former chairman of Rotary International, a humanitarian organization, pledged to reform the charity and regain the public trust upon taking his post last December. Lee is known for his efforts in fighting polio and illiteracy in impoverished countries.

An LG spokesperson said it was inappropriate for the company to answer questions as a donor, adding, “Please understand that those are very sensitive questions for us.” The company gave 10 billion won to the CCK in December.

Another major conglomerate said that it considered the issue largely resolved since the resignation of the CCK leadership and no concerns about future misuse of finds.

“The donations were made after the situation had been addressed, and as far as we are aware Samsung and others did the same,” a spokesman said, insisting on anonymity for the company.

“Immediately after the scandal the CCK was in disarray and they are said to have experienced difficulties in fund raising, but once the new chairman was selected, much of related issues are considered to have been solved ... we have no reservations or concerns that the funds may be inappropriately used. If we had, the donations would not have been made,” he added.

A spokesman for the CCK this week told The Korea Herald that a number of major reforms had been introduced to prevent future corruption at the charity, including a “one strike and you’re out” policy for employees who take bribes or misuse funds.

The CCK also said it is now authorized to impose fines of up to three times the amount of any money misappropriated and will establish a civil watchdog committee. Further, it has revised its Code of Ethics to guide employees on fundraising in a “transparent and honest manner.”

“Further actions that can help our reformation will be evaluated, and all necessary actions will be strongly implemented to improve the level of public trust,” said new chairman Lee.

Japan- [Editorial] Lessons from Japan- 2011-01-30

http://www.koreaherald.com/opinion/Detail.jsp?newsMLId=20110130000299

The decision by Standard & Poor’s to cut Japan’s sovereign credit rating by a notch to AA minus has again highlighted the fiscal mess that the Tokyo government has gotten itself into.

Japan’s public debt is expected to hit 204 percent of GDP this year, the world’s highest ratio. The liabilities are forecast to surpass 1,000 trillion yen next year and, according to the International Monetary Fund, could shoot up to 247 percent of GDP in 2014.

The staggering debt burden is a legacy of massive government spending in the 1990s. Following the burst of a huge property bubble, the Tokyo government chose to keep the economy afloat through monetary easing and increased fiscal spending instead of undergoing the painful process of restructuring financial institutions mired in bad debts and insolvent corporations.

To make matters worse, the Democratic Party of Japan, which took power in September 2009, increased budget sharply to introduce new welfare programs it promised to voters. This expanded the budget deficit, forcing the government to issue more bonds to cover it.

The problem is that the fiscal situation is likely to worsen down the road as population aging will accelerate. Because of the rapid graying of the population, Japan’s welfare spending is bound to automatically grow by 1 trillion yen each year. But Japan’s younger generations have started to decrease in number, meaning Japan’s welfare system has become unsustainable.

But the DPJ government has no will to reform it. Prime Minister Naoto Kan vowed on Friday to push ahead with tax reforms to curb public debt growth, but few believe he would be able to bring the debt problem under control. S&P has pointed out that the DPJ government has no “coherent” debt strategy.

Japan’s fiscal mess is something that Korea cannot look on with indifference. Korea’s pace of population aging is even faster than Japan’s. Policymakers need to study Japan’s experience carefully to avoid falling into a similar trouble. These days, Korean politicians are competitively proposing populist welfare plans. To see the inevitable consequences of such reckless schemes, they need look no further than Japan.

Korea- Lee urges nations’ fair, responsible role over nukes- 01-03-2011

http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2011/01/116_79061.html

01-03-2011 15:51
Lee urges nations’ fair, responsible role over nukes


President Lee Myung-bak delivers a nationally televised New Year speech at Cheong Wa Dae Monday with presidential staffers attending. Lee said he will give top priority to national security and economic growth this year.
/ Korea Times

`Door for dialogue is still open’

By Na Jeong-ju

President Lee Myung-bak urged the six countries involved in talks to denuclearize North Korea, Monday, to play a fair and responsible role to remove the “enormous threat” to peace, saying Seoul is ready for economic cooperation with Pyongyang if it shows sincerity in resolving this issue.

Lee also said he will place top priority on national security and economic growth this year to lay a firm foundation for South Korea to become an advanced and more powerful country while countering one of the world’s most belligerent nations.

To that end, the government will focus on enhancing the quality of life for the working class and developing better welfare policies to prepare for the trend of an aging society, said the conservative leader, who turned 70 last month.

“North Korea’s nuclear weapons development constitutes an enormous threat not only to peace on the Korean Peninsula but the entire world,” Lee said in a nationally televised New Year address, outlining his government’s policy goals for this year.

“The international community needs to work together to persuade the North to abandon its nuclear program and start on a path toward common prosperity. It is imperative now more than ever for countries concerned to play a fair and responsible role.”

He called on North Korea to abandon its military adventurism, saying, “The door for dialogue is still open.”

“I remind the North that the path toward peace is still open. If the North exhibits sincerity, we have both the will and a plan to drastically enhance economic cooperation together with the international community,” Lee said.

Last year, inter-Korean military tension peaked following North Korea’s torpedo attack in March on a South Korean Navy vessel, which killed 46 sailors, and its shelling in November of a border island, which left two civilians and two marines dead. It was the first attack on civilians since the 1950-53 Korean War ended in a truce without a peace treaty.

Lee said last month he will strengthen diplomacy with the North’s traditional allies — China and Russia — to address its provocative acts and as part of efforts to chart a roadmap for reunification of the two Koreas in the event of a collapse of the Kim Jong-il regime.

Especially Beijing, the biggest aid provider for Pyongyang, has been facing mounting calls from Seoul and Washington to act more responsibly and fairly in handling the North’s recent aggression and nuclear development.

Lee reiterated that he would step up the country’s defense reform to enhance combat readiness.

“Any provocation that poses a threat to our lives and property will not be tolerated. Such provocations will be met with stern, strong responses,” he said.

“From now on, we need to establish and carry out peace and reunification policies based on solid national security.”

As for economic policies, he said he will pursue free trade agreements (FTAs) with China and Japan more actively, and increase support for the development of science and technology this year so that the Year of the Rabbit will be another successful year for the Korean economy.

“The fine tuning of the FTA with the United States last year will mark both a symbolic and actual occasion to turn Korea into an international trading hub nation,” Lee said.

“This year, we will carefully but with speed work on free trade negotiations with China and Japan.”

Since international trade accounts for 82 percent of Korea’s total output, Lee said the country has to have a national strategy of expanding its global markets through FTAs.

Lee also noted that the country’s fast transition toward an aging society requires better welfare policies.

“We have already entered an era when we must plan ahead for a life expectancy of 100 years,” Lee said.

“Aging is not just about the quantitative extension of life expectancy. Rather, it is about qualitative changes in our lifestyles and patterns.”

He pledged to come up with comprehensive measures and strategies this year that encompass job opportunities, education, welfare, culture, physical health, social services and safety.

Lee set three policy goals in addressing family-related affairs this year.


Korea moving forward to mature welfare state

http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/biz/2010/10/291_69271.html

By Florence Lowe-Lee
Director of the Korea Economic Institute in America

Korea's welfare system has developed over the past 40 years from a bare structure to a relatively comprehensive social welfare program. After the Korean War ended in 1953, the government and the general public were focused on rebuilding the nation and pursued economic development.

At that time, the nation's GDP was a mere $80, and most Koreans lived in absolute poverty. People worked hard without any social protection. The topic of social welfare was never on the government's policy agenda.

It became a political issue when the military government took office in the 1960s. The government tried to gain public support by promising a series of social reforms to improve the lives of ordinary citizens. Many of the social welfare programs were adopted as a basic principle of the country's constitution, but only a few were implemented.

The nation failed to make any significant improvement, as policymakers continued to be preoccupied with economic growth. In the wake of the Asian financial crisis in 1997 the country was forced to restructure and strengthen its existing social welfare programs.

The demand for welfare increased significantly. This in turn changed the welfare structure, together with expansion in welfare expenditure. Social welfare issues became a critical and urgent policy agenda for the first time in Korea's history.

Social insurance policy

Social insurance is a welfare program which secures financial support for a time of little or no income, the disabled, old age, and death. Korea's insurance programs are financed by contributions from employers, employees, and the government. The framework of the Korean welfare system was completed through a series of welfare reforms under President Kim Dae-jung, who took office in 1998 in the midst of the financial crisis of 1997. The government has extended the existing four social insurance programs to the entire nation and/or to all of the working population: worker's compensation, health insurance, pension program and unemployment insurance.

(1) The first significant social welfare program in Korea was the Industrial Accident Insurance program introduced in 1963. During the time of industrialization, this program provided social protection for industrial workers in companies with 500 or more employees. The law gradually expanded to cover companies with 200 or more workers by 1965 and more than 50 in 1969. At present, firms with more than one regular employee can join the program.

(2) The National Health Insurance law was passed in 1963. This program started as a pilot project. Its content and the form later became the pillars of Korea's health care system. By 1977, coverage became compulsory, protecting employees of large industrial companies, public employees and private school teachers. In 1981, the coverage was extended to companies with more than 100 employees, and three years later firms with 16 or more workers were able to join the program. But the cost of health insurance was shared equally by employees and employers, so people without employers were not able to participate in the system. When the first democratically elected government came into power in 1988, it offered the National Health Insurance benefits to the entire population, including farmers and the self-employed. By 1989, nearly all Koreans had extended medical insurance coverage.

(3) The National Pension Scheme was introduced to provide all members of the general public with a guaranteed income upon retirement so that they could maintain a basic standard of living. The nation's first pension program was introduced in 1960, providing coverage for government employees. This was followed by coverage for military personnel in 1963 and for private school teachers in 1975. The system became compulsory in 1988, covering workplaces with 10 or more employees. The coverage was extended to workplaces with 5 or more employees by 1992 and subsequently to all full-time employees. In addition, there is a mandatory severance payment that is completely financed by employers. The minimum benefit is a single, lump sum payment equivalent to one month's salary per year of service. This payment is required to be paid out within 14 days of termination or retirement.

(4) The Unemployment Insurance System was adopted in 1995 when unemployment was relatively low. It has three main programs, including the Employment Stabilization Program, the Vocational Competency Development Program, and the Unemployment Benefit Programs. The main object was to provide financial support to workers during a time of unemployment and to promote employment through job training. All workers, except part-time employees, were covered under this benefit. This program was categorized into three main parts.

Social safety net and public assistance programs

Public Assistance is another form of welfare program that guarantees the basic livelihood of people. Korea's first public assistance program, "Livelihood Protection" was introduced in 1961 to primarily protect children, the elderly and the disabled. But it was severely criticized for the low-benefit level, unreasonable selection process, and other structural problems.

After the nation was hit hard by the financial crisis of 1997-98, the demand for public assistance escalated. The social impact of the crisis was most prominent in unemployment.

The unemployment rate skyrocketed from 2 percent in 1996 to 8 percent in the first quarter of 1999, and the nation's poverty rate doubled from the pre-crisis level.

The existing public assistance program was only able to cover 60 percent of the people in desperate need. The inadequate social safety net program in Korea could not handle the rising number of poor people.

At that time, the human rights movement became widespread in Korean society, shifting the emphasis from individual responsibility for welfare support to state responsibility.

The government extended the public assistance program by replacing the "Livelihood Protection" program with the "National Basic Livelihood Security Program" in 1999 and it was implemented from October 2000. This program guarantees, for the first time in Korea, the right to social security of its citizens and provides a minimum standard of living for every Korean.



Rising life expectancy and falling fertility rate

Korea's graying population is fast becoming the nation's number one social problem. With the advancement of medical technology, the average life expectancy has increased dramatically since 1950 (see Table 1). Aging was first noticed as a social problem in the 1970s, but it was not seriously considered until 2000 when the nation became an "aging society" when 7 percent of the total population was aged 65 or over. Korea is expected to become an "aged society" in 2018 when 14 percent of its population will be 65 or older and "super-aged" in 2026 when 20 percent of the total population will be elderly.

According to the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Family, the population in the 30-40 age bracket has been declining since 2006. By 2030, the average age in Korea will be 43 years old, up from 33 in 2000. Caring for the elderly is no longer a family issue but has become a social problem.

The government has been offering various incentives to employers to maintain older employees. It also tried to abolish barriers in the work places which hinder the hiring of elderly workers.

A range of programs and services were introduced to protect the safety of senior citizens.
The welfare budget to help aged Koreans has increased steadily. Since 1983, the government has been providing free health examinations for the disadvantaged older population, and the service was expanded to cover various geriatric diseases in 1992.

The program was further expanded in 1996 to include blood tests and x-ray examinations to screen for specific aged-related diseases, such as cancer.

Furthermore, the government has introduced long-term health care for the elderly, especially those suffering from chronic illness and age related ailments such as Alzheimer's disease.
Those who qualify can receive services such as in-home nursing care and admission to a long-term care facility at around 20 percent of the normal cost. Moreover, the country has launched a basic old-age pension program to help the elderly obtain pension benefits. The program is to offer up to 84,000 won in monthly payments to seniors aged 65 or over.

In addition, there are various senior discount programs available to provide the elderly with discounts on public transportation and admission to public facilities. Also, they receive a transportation allowance of around 10,000 won per month.

Declining population

The declining birth rate is another serious problem. The National Statistical Office reported that Korea's birth rate has plummeted from 5.6 in 1960 to 1.7 in 1995 and to 1.2 in 2009, far below the replacement rate of 2.1 and the lowest rate among OECD nations (see Table 2). If this rate continues to remain at 1.2, the nation's total population will decline rapidly from 2018.

This means that the nation will face a serious worker shortage as there will be fewer people in the labor market. Such a declining rate, combined with a rapidly aging population, is creating a new problem in Korean society, posing a threat to sustainable growth.

The Korean government has been introducing various policies to promote childbirth, such as offering financial incentives.

Companies have been offering birth bonuses and child rearing support to join in with the government to help boost the nation's worryingly low birth rate.

Most women said that the low rate is fundamentally caused by unfavorable working conditions, especially for married women. Despite the increase in women's economic participation, a return to work after giving birth is not guaranteed.

Women therefore have difficulties in deciding whether to have a baby. A survey by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs in March 2006 revealed that more than half of pregnant working women experienced difficulties in securing their career.

The government is working together with private companies to extend maternity leave benefits and provide flexible hours to working mothers. Previously, many women were reluctant to take advantage of these benefits in fear of being fired or forced to retire from work.

Despite the increase in the total number of childcare facilities from 9,085 to 28,367 during the period from 1995-2005, a shortage in childcare facilities that parents can trust still inhibits married couples from having children.

The Ministry of Gender Equality and Family has announced that its top priority is to strengthen the existing child care policy. At a time when the low fertility rate is becoming a serious social issue, child care policies must be addressed. Recent data indicated that only 15 percent of families with a child aged 1 year or younger has access to child care facilities.

First rate welfare system

Social welfare programs are designed to seek social integration. As Korea achieved economic success, people started to pay more attention to their quality of life and to help the disadvantaged. Since the 1990s, the Korean welfare system has undergone significant changes.

Social welfare expenditure has increased significantly due to the introduction of many new programs and the expansion of the coverage of existing ones.

Social welfare spending has increased by an average of 10.8 percent over the last five years, 2.2 times higher than the OECD average of 4.9 percent. The welfare budget as a percentage of total government spending increased from 14.3 percent in 1987 to 27.9 percent in 2006. This year so far the government has allocated 81 trillion won for social welfare, up 8.9 percent from 2009.

The current administration has made the social welfare program a national priority and laid out a foundation for the lifetime well-being of all citizens.

Policymakers have been tasked to stabilize the financial soundness of the National Health Insurance System while establishing a dependable basic social safety net program.

They will prioritize the policy agenda to guarantee a comfortable life after retirement for the elderly, as well as disabled individuals.

It is true that Korea's welfare budget is still low compared to that of other developed nations. But the nation has come a long way from the ashes of the Korean War to become the 15th largest economy in the world.

Along the way, policymakers recognized the need to implement various social programs to guarantee the welfare of the people. The nation's four significant insurance systems ― workmen's compensation, health insurance, the pension program and unemployment insurance ― currently covers its entire population.

Some of these programs are more advanced than other developed countries, for example, the universal health care system. Furthermore, the country guarantees the basic livelihood of all Koreans.

The policymakers have introduced laws to protect the disadvantaged. Korea has made a major improvement in the nation's welfare programs following the financial crisis. If the past is any indication, there is no doubt that the nation will continue to progress to a mature welfare state.

Korea- 'Dynamic' Welfare State- 03-16-2010

http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/opinon/2011/01/202_62465.html

It's Vital to Enlighten Public with Attractive Alternatives

Hundreds of politicians, academics and civic and labor activists met Monday under the cause of turning Korea into a welfare state. Foreigners, especially Westerners, might find this seemingly abrupt move long overdue. But the truth is, the world's 14th largest economy has never been a welfare state as industrial countries see it, even less a ``dynamic" one, as the organizers of the new movement mean it.

A good indicator of where Korea stands in welfare issues is the ongoing political debate over the school-meal system. President Lee Myung-bak and his conservative supporters brush aside the opposition's calls for free school lunch as ``socialist" and ``populist" claims. This shows their concept of welfare is based on such outdated modifiers as ``beneficent" and ``selective." In most industrial countries, however, free lunch is just part of free education, which the governments should guarantee their peoples as ``basic" and ``universal" rights.

Little wonder that less than 15 percent of Korean students are ``benefitting" from free meals, while the comparable ratios are nearly 100 percent in Western European nations of social democracy, and well over 50 percent even in the United States and Britain, the so-called bastions of neo-liberalistic capitalism.

Even the previous two liberal administrations adhered to this ``static" notion of welfare based on the Anglo-American economic model of globalization and unlimited competition, failing to keep the income gap from widening further among the people and losing in major elections. And this means how difficult it would be to enlighten voters of what genuine welfare is supposed to be, in this country where even low-income brackets support the Lee administration's tax cuts for wealthy property holders, believing in the ``trickle down" effect, which has long proved to be almost non-existent, both here and abroad.

Moreover, as seen in President Lee's ``worker-friendly" policy and his conservative archrival Park Geun-hye's ``welfare Korea" catchy phrase, the center-rightist camps have preempted the welfare slogans while the left-of-center parties were reeling under the aftermath of election defeats not even knowing what exactly has gone wrong ― in terms of economic ideology and its practices.

So it was right for the advocates of the new movement to place focus not just on welfare but on broader economic policies, such as taxation, fiscal operation and corporate regulations. Without changing fundamental economic and social structure, there are clear limitations to the incumbent government's worker-friendly policy, as shown by the failures of some initial examples. For instance, the long-term lending program for college students have already turned another source of usurious income for banks, while the micro-credit system is too far away from those who need it most because of too high a threshold for the working poor.

What matters is how to link the welfare to economic dynamism. There is too much truth to ignore in the adage, ``the provision of jobs is the best welfare policy." This means the new movement's success lies in whether it can create a ``dynamic welfare society," in which production, not finance, plays a central role and welfare is closely connected to production, working to sharply improve distribution and continue to create productive demand from within the system.

And the forthcoming local elections will be a good starting place to present at least some concrete alternatives to turn the new manifesto into reality.

Korea- Passion over welfare- 01-19-2011


By Kim Ji-soo

When Prime Minister Kim Hwang-shik took office last October, it wasn’t really the confirmation hearings that landed him in hot water.

It was his comment about how the subway shouldn’t be free to citizens who are over 65 years old, as it is now. His comment instantly drew a public backlash, and he quickly expressed regret for making it.

Some political insiders believed that Kim, a former chief of the Board of Audit and Inspection, was speaking from the perspective of one who knew the subway was running up a deficit.

But Korea currently lacks a social safety net; there is no broad U.S.-type social security benefit. Thus, a free subway ride for citizens 65 years and older provides a way for most of these people who have retired to get around and be active. Thus, the idea of some free public service, albeit small, is naturally receptive with the majority of the populace.

In the political realm, the main opposition Democratic Party (DP) is construed as having won big in last year’s June 2 local elections when it came out with a proposal to provide free lunches for elementary and middle school children.

This year, the DP has come up with a package of providing not only free lunches at schools, but the proposal to cut the amount patients have to pay in medical fees for treatment and hospitalization down to 10 percent from the current 40 percent and provide free childcare for children up to 5 years old.

It also proposes halving college tuition, with assistance from the government. Sohn Hak-kyu, DP chairman has said that “the ultimate goal of welfare is that (people) are treated equally and with dignity.”

The governing Grand National Party (GNP) has been criticizing the DP for raising the specter of populism. But the GNP has put forth welfare benefit proposals, too.

The party’s frontrunner for its presidential candidacy, former party chairwoman Park Geun-hye, has declared that the welfare policy will be her bread-and-butter issue for the next presidential election in December 2012. “I’d like to propose a preemptive, sustainable and integrated welfare system that can produce tangible results for the people,” Park said in a speech.

GNP Chairman Ahn Sang-soo has also vouched for expanding welfare benefits to cover about 70 percent (excluding the top 30 percent of high-income) of households.

Thus, the need for expansion of welfare benefits is a common denominator in Korea. Among the member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Korea’s welfare level was among the lowest.

Korea spent 7.5 percent on public welfare spending in comparison to its gross domestic product in 2009. That figure comes to less than half of the average spending on public welfare, or 19.3 percent of other OECD nations. The difference seems a matter of scope for the two major parties. Of course, we cannot ignore the political factor in here. The DP is expected to seek a policy-based coalition along with minor parties.

But as the old but true saying goes, there is no such thing as a free lunch. The DP estimates that about 8.1 trillion won will be needed to provide free medical care; 4.1 trillion won for free child care; and 1 trillion won for free school lunches and 3.2 trillion won for college tuition assistance.

The government and the governing party beg to differ, saying that the DP figures are too modest for its grand scheme.

Individual Koreans might feel that they are already paying too much tax, but increased welfare benefits invariably will mean a bigger tax burden. As Korean society rapidly ages, the burden may well be heavier on those now in the work force and those who honestly report their earnings.

Let’s just hope that all the heated debate about expanding welfare benefits leads to all taxpayers equally and with dignity doing their part in the process.

Korea- 'Welfare war' flaring up - 01-23-2011

http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2011/01/116_80145.html

By Jung Sung-ki

Traditionally, national security issues regarding North Korea’s military threats and economy-related matters dominated the agenda for parliamentary or presidential elections, but not this time.

Ahead of next year’s general and presidential elections, the rival political parties are wrangling over public welfare policies, which the parties and political observers believe will sway the public opinion in the elections to an extent.

“The main opposition Democratic Party (DP)’s successful bid to free lunches for all elementary and secondary students ignited this ‘war of welfare,’” a political observer told The Korea Times.

“The opposition party, in fact, benefited from the free school lunch campaign in last year’s local elections, so they want to capitalize on the ‘free-series’ welfare programs more and the ruling Grand National Party (GNP) had to respond to it,” he said. “The problem is that any welfare program would eventually sacrifice taxpayers’ money.”

In December, the DP-backed Seoul Metropolitan Council passed the 2011 budget bill containing about 70 billion won earmarked for free school meals, despite vehement opposition by Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon, a potential presidential candidate on the GNP ticket, and conservative civic groups.

Oh has argued free lunches should be offered only to students from low-income families, and more money should instead be spent to improve welfare benefits for the underprivileged students. Otherwise, the mayor claims, the government’s fiscal soundness would be dent seriously.

The DP says limiting free lunches in accordance with income level would stigmatize students who receive them actually perceptive of indicators of wealth and class.

Following its successful free school lunch campaign, the center-left DP has laid out a package of “universal” welfare programs, which the conservative GNP denounces populist plans that would lead to collecting more taxes.

DP’s proposals include a free health care for the entire population, free childcare and half-priced tuition for college students.

The party claims, for example, the free medical service is aimed at paying 90 percent of an individual’s medical expenses by 2015.

Currently, 62 percent of medical fees is covered by state health insurance and 38 percent is covered by individuals.

The DP estimates that about 8 trillion won would be required for the new program and it wants to levy a new 5.64 percent tax to finance about half of the target.

Proponents in the DP for the free medical service plan argues the program is feasible when the government cuts unnecessary spending in some state projects, scrap a plan to reduce taxes for the high-income bracket, and expand composite income tax.

Rep. Chung Dong-young, a member of DP’s supreme council, Thursday called for garnering about 20 trillion won from people on high incomes to implement the party’s welfare plans.

In the face of criticism about a lack of financial resources for the party’s welfare campaign, the DP announced a plan to launch a 20-member panel next month to verify the feasibility of the party’s pledges of broader welfare benefits.

The GNP denies DP’s welfare policies.

It says the free medical care would cost about 30 trillion won annually, criticizing the DP for make an estimation of the cost too conservatively apparently to win the public support.

The party also says the free lunch plan would cost some 1.7 trillion won and free child care, 6.8 trillion won. The half-price tuition program would cost about 4.9 trillion won.

Minister of Health and Welfare Chin Soo-hee backed the GNP position.

“The DP’s free public health program isn’t truly free,” she said. “An extra 30 trillion is needed to finance the program, and in this case, the cost of health insurance fees will be doubled. This will greatly burden both low- and high-income classes.”

Former GNP chairwoman Rep. Park Geun-hye, a prominent presidenital candidate for next year’s presidential race, expressed concern about DP’s welfare plans.

In a luncheon with technocrats-turned-lawmakers of the GNP, Park called for a “tailored welfare policy” to give benefits to those in need selectively.

Earlier on Friday, a presidential panel proposed a hybrid between the welfare pledges of both the GNP and DP.

In its report to President Lee Myung-bak, the Presidential Council for Future & Vision suggested that the government resume the so-called Human New Deal Project, a 2009 measure aimed at helping low-income households during a global financial crisis.
The panel said the government needs to pursue both welfare policies so that beneficiaries can be decided depending on situations and conditions.

It said the Human New Deal Project can serve as a stepping stone to the Korean-style welfare model.
Under the project, the government will step up a drive to reduce household spending on private education, communication and renting houses, while focusing efforts on creating jobs and encouraging the launch of social enterprises and one-man businesses in high-tech industries.

Taiwan- 健保總體檢 藥品年燒3百億-2011/01/28

http://tw.news.yahoo.com/article/url/d/a/110128/5/2llwp.html

(中央社記者溫貴香台北28日電)監察委員黃煌雄等人今天完成「全民健保總體檢報告」指出,健保支付制度不公、加上每年藥品浪費達新台幣300億元,建議行政院編列類似5年500億元專款專用,改善支付制度。

監委黃煌雄、沈美真、劉興善上午召開「我國全民健康保險總體檢案」記者會,沈美真表示,她實地訪查醫療院所,不論正式或私下互動場合,大家共同的感受就是醫療資源浪費有「3多」,即「看病多、拿藥多、檢查多。」

她說,醫療院所第一線的發言,常提到藥費支出佔健保給付(民國100年健保給付將超過5000億元)的1/4,藥費支出中有1/4的藥未服用,這種藥品費用浪費高達300億元,令人無法不嚴正面對。

黃煌雄表示,健保支付制度設計不良與不公,當初健保開辦匆促上路,支付制度沿用公保、勞保給付,費用偏低,導致內、外、婦、兒4大科人才流失;加上「以藥養醫」的藥價差,已成為醫院生存最後一道「馬其諾防線」,醫療機構的經營已步入艱難時期。

他說,為確保健保永續經營,維護醫師專業報酬及應有的尊嚴,衛生署應重新全盤檢討診療費、處置費及手術費的合理性。

黃煌雄指出,行政院應揭櫫具有號召性的鮮明主張,以類似5年500億元的計畫,經由「外加為主、內含為輔」的預算編列方式,專款專用,全力重振內、外、婦、兒4大科、守護社區醫院的目標。

他建議,行政院宜責成衛生署,參考英國「國立健康及臨床研究卓越研究院」(簡稱NICE)的定位與功能,結合各種專家與專業性團體,以及原屬國家衛生研究院的衛生研究發展中心人員,成立類似財團法人性質的台灣健保研究院,為健康促進、疾病預防及治療相關的準則發展,提供客觀、獨立又具代表性與公信力的諮詢建議。1000128

政治學 Political Science[1]

http://mirror.enha.kr/wiki/%EC%A0%95%EC%B9%98%ED%95%99

치를 배분하는가를 과학적으로 연구하는 학문.[2] D. Eastern의 "정치는 가치의 권위적인(authoritative) 배분(allocation) 과정"이라는 정치의 개념을 통한 정의방법이다.[3]

경제학, 사회학과 함께 사회과학의 본령을 이루는 학문 분야로써, 거의 모든 대학에서 관련 학과와 강의를 접할 수 있다. 동시에 고등학교에서 가르치는 정치(교과)와 대학 이후의 고급과정이 가장 다른 대표적인 학문. 때문에 현실 한국정치의 여러 모순/문제점으로부터 유래하는 정치에 대한 좋지 않은 선입견과 함께 갓 대학에 들어온 학생들이 정치학에 대해 무의식적인 반감이나 고정관념을 가지기도 한다.[4]

여튼 신문이나 뉴스에 나오는 정치 관련 소식만 가지고 판단하거나, 이념 공부하는 애들이 하는 학문(...)이라고 쉽게 생각했다간 큰 코 다치는 학문.


Contents

1 정치학의 역사와 발전
1.1 전통적 정치학: 정치사상, 규범적 학문
1.2 19~20세기의 정치학: 정치이론과 제도, 실증적 학문
1.3 현대: 과학으로서의 정치학과 그에 대한 비판
2 정치학의 분야
2.1 정치사상/철학
2.2 정치이론/제도
2.3 정치학연구방법론
2.4 비교정치학
2.5 정치경제학
2.6 국제정치학
2.7 공공정책학

1 정치학의 역사와 발전

1.1 전통적 정치학: 정치사상, 규범적 학문


정치학은 철학, 문학, 역사학, 수학, 물리학, 경제학 등과 함께 그 역사가 가장 오래된 학문이다. 서양에서는 플라톤의 국가(Republic)를, 동양에서는 공자의 연구를 주로 학문적 시조로 치며, 동서양을 막론하고 사실상 거의 모든 철학자들은 동시에 모두 정치학자라고 할 수 있을 정도.

고대와 중세의 정치학은 거의 규범적(normative) 차원, 즉 이상적인 국가를 어떻게 건설할 것이며 그 안에서 시민은 어떠한 정치적 덕성(virtue)을 키워야 할 것인가에 대한 논의에 집중되어 있었다. 따라서 이 때의 정치학은 정치사상 또는 정치철학과 거의 일치하는 개념이었다.[5]

르네상스 시대 이후에도 정치학의 주류는 여전히 사변적 논의를 통한 정치철학이었지만 세부 관점은 조금씩 바뀌기 시작한다. 즉, 이상적인 정치공동체의 건설을 위한 리더십 교육으로서 윤리학과 큰 구분 없는 정치학으로부터, 정치적 개인의 주체성과 인간의 자유/평등 개념을 적극적으로 도입함으로써 공익을 옹호하고 국가권력 및 공동체에 대한 비판을 주장하는 정치학으로 변모하였다.

"정치학을 천상에서 지상으로 끌어내렸다."는 평가로 유명한 마키아벨리가 대표적인 인물. 그는 권력에 대한 현실주의적 관점에 입각한 정치권력론의 개념을 역사연구를 통해 풀어냈으며, 근대정치학의 시조로 평가받는다. 이후홉스, 로크, 루소, 칸트[6] 등을 거치며 근대정치사상은 그 꽃을 활짝 피우게 된다.

19세기 이후의 정치사상은 벤담, 등을 위시한 공리주의 논의와 헤겔, 마르크스로 대표되는 역사발전론으로 크게 나뉜다.

1.2 19~20세기의 정치학: 정치이론과 제도, 실증적 학문

우리가 요새 알고 있는 경제학, 사회학 등 실증적 사회과학 분야의 분과학문화(化) 현상은 대략 1850년을 전후하여 나타나기 시작하는데, 정치학도 이와 궤를 같이 한다. 구체적으로는 1880년에 미국 콜럼비아대학에 최초로 정치학과(department of political sciences)가 개설되고, 최초의 정치학 저널(Political Science Quarterly)도 1886년에 탄생.

동시에 기존의 사변적 탐구에 기반을 둔 정치학 연구도 법과 선거/정당/주요 정무직의 권한 등 현실의 여러 정치적 제도와 법규로 그 중점이 옮겨간다. 따라서 그 이전 시기에 비해 실증주의적인 접근방법을 취했으며, 제도와 법의 특징을 분석하여 현실의 여러 정치현상을 이해할 수 있다고 판단했으므로 정치이론과 정치제도, 비교정치학이라는 개념이 처음으로 탄생하게 된다.

이러한 경향은 20세기 초반을 지나면서 또 한번 바뀌게 되는데, 그것이 바로 "행태주의 혁명(behaviorlistic revolution)"과 함께 탄생한 행태주의 정치학이다. 이는 당시 눈부신 속도로 발전하고 있었던 자연과학과 그를 뒷받침하는 철학적 기반이었던 논리 실증주의의 방법론으로부터 큰 영향을 받은 것으로, 정치현실의 실체를 객관적이고 체계적인 사실을 통해 분석하며, 검증 가능한 명제가 정치학 논의의 중심이 되어야 한다는 논리를 제시했다.

따라서 주요 정치적 지표와 현상의 수량화(quantification)와 측정/검증 과정의 엄밀함을 위한 수학/통계학 방법론의 도입이 이 시기에 적극적으로 이루어지며, 본격적으로 Political Science를 내세우게 되었다. 한 마디로 이전 정치사상의 시대와 상당한 단절이 이루어졌으며 사회과학으로서의 정치학의 정체성은 이 시점을 계기로 매우 공고해지게 된다.[7]

1.3 현대: 과학으로서의 정치학과 그에 대한 비판

현대의 정치학은 행태주의 정치학에 대한 비판으로부터 비롯된 고전적 정치학의 전통을 잇는 관점과, 기존의 행태주의 정치학의 방법론을 더욱 정밀하게 발전시켜 이제는 정치학인지 수학 통계학인지(...) 알 수 없을 정도까지 과학에 근사시키려는 후기행태주의 관점으로 나눌 수 있다.

행태주의 정치학을 비판하는 학자들은 "과학으로서의 정치학을 표방한다고는 하지만, 자연과학과 사회과학은 결코 동일하지 않다는 사회과학의 치명적인 아킬레스건(...)을 건드린다. 역사와 사회과학의 분류 자체를 인정하지 않는 마르크스주의 계열 학자들은 물론이고, 니체의 계보학적 접근으로부터 시작된 포스트모더니즘 계열의 학자들은 "지식과 권력, 지식과 사회가 밀접한 관련을 맺고 있는 현대사회에서 객관적/실증적 과학화의 추구는 학문적 기만에 불과하다."는 주장 아래 기존의 역사적, 해석학적 정치학의 방법론을 계승할 것을 주장하였다.

행태주의 정치학을 계승하여 더욱 정밀한 과학을 추구하는 정치학자들은 그럼에도 불구하고 정치학의 외연을 넓히는 동시에 논의를 풍부하게 만들기 위해서는 과학적 방법론을 지속적으로 발전시켜야 한다는 점을 지적했다. 특히 인접학문인 경제학의 괄목할 만한 발전은 이 시기 주류정치학에 또다시 큰 영감을 주었으며, 인간행동의 합리적 모델링을 표방하는 합리적 선택이론(rational choice theory)과 계량적 정치연구가 크게 흥하는 계기가 되었다.

오늘날의 정치학은 민주적인 공동체의 건설과 평화의 달성이라는 대명제를 긍정하고, 역사를 학문의 거울으로 삼는 동시에 방법론의 차원에서는 엄밀한 과학화 기조를 유지하고 있다. 한 마디로 더 이상 야부리 까는 학문이 아니라는 것. 현재 미국정치학회에서 발간하는 논문집을 보면 20편 가량의 논문 가운데 전통적인 사변적/철학적 방법을 취한 논문은 두세 편에 그치는 경우가 대부분이다. 나머지는 표와 그래프, 미적분과 통계테이블과 게임이론이 춤을 추는(...) 논문들.

2 정치학의 분야

수많은 분류방법이 있으나 대체로 전통적인 6개의 영역(정치사상/철학, 정치이론/제도, 연구방법론, 비교정치학, 정치경제학, 국제정치학)에 정치학을 통한 바람직한 사회 설계(social engineering) 방법을 논의하는 응용분과 1개 영역(공공정책학)을 합쳐 7개 분야로 나뉜다.[8]

2.1 정치사상/철학


현실의 정치현실을 이해하기 위해 인간의 본성과 인간이 이루고 사는 사회의 성격을 탐구하고, 이 원리에 기초하여 정치의 이상과 정치공동체의 목표에 대한 규범을 설정하여 그 정당성에 대해 사변적으로 논의하는 분야. 전통적인 철학의 한 분과학문으로서 가장 오래된 정치학의 영역이며, 전공자가 아닌 사람들이 "정치학" 했을 때 떠올리는 수많은 학자들의 고전(classics) 저작이 여기에 속한다.

소크라테스, 플라톤, 공자, 노자 등에서 시작하여 현대의 윤리학과 해석학적 정치철학에 이르기까지 수많은 먼치킨인류의 대 사상가들이 족적을 남긴 분야이며 그 깊이도 한없이 깊다. 때문에 정치외교학과의 정치사상 관련 과목은 대개 1개 이상 필수로 지정되어 있으며, 웬만큼 틀이 갖춰진 대학의 경우는 수업 난이도도 상당히 높은 편. 제대로 공부하려면 정치학에 앞서 영어, 라틴어, 독일어 등의 어학능력이 요구되는 분야이기도 하다. 박사과정을 밟아 전문가가 되는 길이 가장 험난한 영역.[9]

2.2 정치이론/제도

정치권력론, 정치제도론, 정치사회학, 정치심리학, 정치문화이론, 국가이론, 정치과정론, 민주화 및 민주주의 이행론 등을 포괄하는, 인간이 만든 정치체(political entity)의 형태와 작용에 대해 실증적으로 접근하는 정치학의 분과. 대략 다음과 같은 주제를 다룬다.

정치에서 권력은 어떠한 의미를 가지고 있는가? 현실에서 볼 수 있는 여러 정치제도는 어떠한 특성을 가지고 있으며, 그것이 정치이념으로서의 민주주의 혹은 권위주의에 미치는 영향은 어떠한가? 정당조직체제와 시민사회의 관계는 어떠한가? 사람들은 왜 특정한 선거행태를 보이는가? 현대의 국가조직은 어떻게 구성되어 있는가? 개별적인 인간 혹은 집단의 정치적 성향은 어떠한 변수를 통해 결정되는가? 정치문화란 존재하는가, 그렇지 않은가? 정치문화와 특정한 정치제도 내지는 정치적 특성의 관계는 어떠한가? 어떤 국가가 민주주의 국가이며, 어떤 국가가 민주주의 국가가 아닌가? 민주주의와 경제발전은 어떠한 관계가 있는가? 어떠한 조건 하에서 비민주주의 국가가 민주주의 국가로 이행되며 그 이후 민주주의의 공고화는 어떠한 과정을 거치는가?

한 마디로 엄청나게 많은 떡밥이 쏟아지는 분야. 대부분의 정치학자들이 집중적으로 파고드는 주제이며, 사람들이 흔히 생각하는 정치학에 해당되는 분야이기도 하다. 고등학교 때 정치(교과)를 공부한 학생이라면 선거/정치제도 관련된 표와 그래프 가지고 장난치는 문제와 포괄적으로 관련된 분야라고 생각하면 편하다. 실제로 연구방법도 거의 그런 식이고(...)

2.3 정치학연구방법론

과학으로서의 정치학을 탐구할 때 어떤 연구방법을 사용하여 가설을 설정하고 검증할 것인가에 대해 논의하는 분야. 정치학의 메타이론 분야라고 할 수 있다. 게임이론과 합리적 선택이론으로 대표되는 연역적 일반이론(formal theory), 통계를 비롯한 계량적 기법을 이용하여 정치적 명제의 옳고 그름을 판단하는 정량적 분석법(quant), 철학/언어학/논리학/역사학 등의 방법론을 통해 권력정치론이 아닌 공론장(political arena)으로서의 정치현상을 연구하려는 질적/역사적/해석학적 방법론 등으로 나뉜다.

최근의 추세는 수학과 통계학을 활용한 연역적/귀납적 실증연구방법론. 덕분에 정치학 공부하는 학생들은 이제 마키아벨리루소보다는 선형대수학이나 수리통계학, 게임이론 같은 분야의 교과서를 더 열심히 공부하는 추세(...) 기실 이는 정치학이 과학으로서의 엄밀성에 가까이 가기 위해서 반드시 필요한 부분이기도 하다. 현대 사회과학의 전반적인 경향이기도 하고.

2.4 비교정치학

정치이론/제도에서 다루는 일반적인 이론과 현상에 대한 정치학적 고찰을 현실의 여러 국가와 시민사회를 예시로 하여 검증하고, 그 차이를 밝히며, 그로부터 하나의 잘 정립된 정치학적 명제를 이끌어내는 것을 목적으로 하는 분야. 쉽게 말하면 서로 다른 여러 국가의 정치를 비교하는 공부라고 생각하면 편하다. 예를 들면 미국한국대통령제는 어떠한 차이가 있으며, 여기에서 양국의 어떠한 정치적 유사점과 차이점이 나오는가? 미국과 캐나다의 연방제는 어떻게 다른가? 미국의 민주주의적 연방제와 러시아의 수직적 연방제는 어떻게 다른가? 영국일본의 의원내각제는 어떻게 다른가? 등등.

또한 개별국가의 정치에 대한 연구도 여기에 포함된다. 예컨대 한국정치, 미국정치, 일본정치, 러시아정치, 북한정치 등. 이렇게 개별국가에 대해 제대로 된 연구를 하기 위해서는 물론 정치이론과 비교정치학의 지식이 풍부하고, 정치경제학과 국제정치학에도 일가견이 있어야 하므로 겉으로 보기에는 쉬울지 모르지만 사실 각국정치학 연구가 상당히 어려운 편이다(...)

2.5 정치경제학

인간의 경제활동을 정치학에서 논하는 권력, 권위, 가치, 공공선 등의 여러 개념을 비롯한 정치학의 입장에서 분석하는 학문. 기본적으로 정치와 경제, 국가와 시장을 서로 떼어 놓고서는 설명할 수 없다는 입장을 취하고 있으며, 정치현상과 경제현상의 상호작용에 관심을 두고 있다. 경제학이 일체의 정치적 제약을 받지 않는 경제적 인간(homo economicus)이 합리적으로 선택하는 과정을 다루는 학문이라면, 정치경제학은 현실의 인간과 집단이 어떠한 정치적 동기/의도/배경 하에서 경제적 결정을 내리고 이것이 어떠한 영향을 미치는가에 대해 연구한다고 생각하면 된다.

쉽게 비유하자면 1997년 한국의 외환위기를 동아시아 경제 메커니즘 자체의 문제로 보고 정치적 배경을 배제한 채 수리적 모델을 통해 완전히 설명할 수 있다고 보는 학문이 경제학이라면, 무정부 상태의 불완전한 위계질서가 작동하는 국제관계에서 배태된(embedded) 경제영역의 문제로서 국제정치학과 따로 떨어뜨려 놓고서는 설명하기 어렵다고 보는 학문이 정치경제학이다.

기업활동과 노사관계, 정부의 경제정책, 무역, 금융, 통화시스템 중 현실의 수많은 경제활동과 제도가 필연적으로 정치적인 요소와 연계되고, 그럼에도 불구하고 경제학계에서는 이러한 방면의 접근을 하지 않다 보니 오히려 정치학에서 치고 들어가, 오늘날 번성하고 있는 연구분야. 연구주제도 무궁무진하며 정치학의 전통적인 영역에 제공하는 학문적 함의도 꽤나 다양하다.

여담이지만 마르크스의 경제학을 금기시했던 한국의 시대적 상황 때문에 마르크스 경제학을 공부하는 사람들이 자신의 연구분야를 에둘러 말하기 위해 사용했던 표현이 정치경제학이기도 하다. 때문에 아직도 적지 않은 오해를 하는 사람들이 있는 모양. 마르크스의 이론은 분명히 정치경제학의 하나이지만, 정치경제학이 마르스크의 이론인 것은 아니다.

2.6 국제정치학

이상에서 서술한 정치학의 여러 분야가 명시적인 최고의 권위와 폭력독점의 정당성을 인정받는 정치체를 가정했다면, 국제정치학은 세계정부가 존재하지 않는 무정부적 상태 하에서 국제체제의 특성과 국가를 비롯한 여러 행위자들의 행동을 탐구하는 학문이라고 할 수 있다. 동서고금을 막론하고 국제관계가 사회와 국가의 생존과 번영에 절대적인 영향을 끼쳐 왔으며, 지금도 대부분의 국가가 안전보장(security)을 제1의 목표로 삼고 있다 보니, 상당히 실용적인 목표에서 출발했으며 현실적 필요성도 큰 학문이라고 할 수 있다. 구체적으로는

무정부체제 하에서 국가는 왜 서로 경쟁하는가? 전쟁은 왜 일어나는가? 동맹/집단안보체제 등 국가 간 협력은 어떤 조건 하에서 발생하는가? 국제기구를 비롯한 국제제도는 어떻게 탄생하며 국제정치에 어떠한 영향력을 행사하는가? 국가의 외교정책은 어떻게 형성/변화하는가? 약소국은 외교협상에서 항상 지기만 하는가? 현대세계의 국가 간 상호의존과 무역의 증대는 국제관계에 어떤 영향을 미치는가? 세계 금융질서와 무역질서는 국가 간 힘의 분포와 어떠한 관계가 있는가? 민족간 분규(ethnic conflict), 난민의 문제는 왜 발생하며 어떻게 해결할 수 있는가? 환경문제는 기존의 여러 국제문제와 어떻게 다른 접근방법을 취해야 하는가?

등등의 질문에 대한 답을 던지는 학문이다. 더 간단하게는, 한국 대학의 정치외교학과 라는 이름에서 "외교"에 해당하는 부분을 다루는 학문이라고 생각하면 된다.

이 분야에서 다루는 여러 주제 중 국제관계사나 안보론, 군사전략론과 같은 분야는 밀덕이나 역덕과도 깊은 관계가 있다. 중간고사가 "비스마르크 동맹체제의 특성과 그 해체과정을 1차대전의 발발원인과 연계하여 서술하고, 이것의 현대적 함의를 논하시오." 뭐 이런 식으로 나오니... 심지어 교수들 중에도 덕업일치를 이룬 사람들이 적지 않다.[10]

2.7 공공정책학



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[1] 일반적으로 사용하는 politics라는 단어는 현실의 정치현상을 지칭하는 개념이며, 학문적인 개념으로서의 정치학은 political science이다. 마찬가지로 정치가는 politician, 정치학자는 political scientist라고 한다. 뭐가 과학이냐고 반문하고 싶으면, 목차의 정치학의 역사 중 현대 부분을 참고하라.
[2] 경제학과 비교해 보면 두 학문이 사회현상에 대하여 서로 어떤 다른 관점을 가지고 있는지 알 수 있어 흥미롭다. 참고로 엔하위키 경제학 항목의 경제학에 대한 정의는 다음과 같다: 자원의 희소성이라는 전제 하에 합리적 행위자인 개인과 집단이 어떠한 선택을 하는가의 문제를 다루는 학문.
[3] 이 외에도 여러 가지 정의가 있다.
[4] 물론 조금만 공부해 봐도 그 생각이 잘못된 것임을 쉽게 확인할 수 있다.
[5] 이러한 전통은 현재의 정치학에도 계승되어, 정치학 관련 개론/입문 서적에서는 아직도 정치학의 여러 분야를 열거할 때 정치사상을 가장 앞에 놓는다.
[6] 특히 칸트의 저서 중 유명한 "영구평화(perpetual peace)"는 21세기의 국제정치학에서 민주평화론(democratic peace theory)이라는 새로운 개념으로 계승된다.
[7] 물론, 벌써 90년이 다 되어 가는데도 한국의 정치학에 대한 인식은 매우 편향적이지만(...)
[8] 행정학을 정치학과 완전히 분리하는 입장에서는 공공정책학을 행정학의 일부분으로 집어넣기도 한다.
[9] 정치사상 전공으로 미국의 top school 대학원 과정에 들어가는 한국 학부 출신은 1년에 1명이 채 될까말까 한다.
[10] 예를 들면 1대50 탱크 프라모델을 300종 이상 사모았다는 서울대학교 외교학과의 어떤 분이라든가(...)