Korea- Strategy for Green Technology Development- December 8, 2010
Korea- President Lee to Attend the 2nd Global Policy Forum in Yaroslavl, Russia- 2010-09-03
Korea- [Editorial] Health care reform- 2011-01-1
The DP’s health care plan calls for raising the coverage of medical bills by the National Health Insurance from the current 62 percent to 90 percent over the next five years. It would also lower the ceiling for out-of-pocket payments by patients from the current 4 million won to 1 million won, while extending the NHI’s reach to cover some 2.4 million low-income people who are currently excluded from it.
The DP projected its new proposal would increase the NHI’s annual expenditure by 8.1 trillion won. This spending growth, it said, can be covered by collecting more premiums from employees at companies and by expanding the government’s fiscal support.
The opposition party’s scheme comes at a time when calls for health care reform are growing. Korea’s health insurance system has been touted as an efficient, low-cost program to provide health care to the public. But it has limitations, including high patient co-payments, a wide range of non-covered services, and the exclusion of low-income people who cannot pay into the insurance scheme.
The DP’s proposal is intended to address these weaknesses. But the problem is that the sustainability of the health insurance system is in question even at the current level of coverage. On Jan. 3, the National Health Insurance Corp. reported it ran a 1.3 trillion won deficit last year.
This year’s deficit is expected to be cut to 500 billion won thanks to a 5.9 percent increase in contributions. But budget shortfall is forecast to snowball down the road due to rapid population aging, expansion of coverage, introduction of expensive medical equipment and demand for better health services. According to a recent study, the NHI’s annual deficit would reach 22 trillion won in 2030 if the current income and expenditure structure is maintained ― even without factoring in the accelerating pace of population aging.
Hence, the current health care system needs reform to curb the rapid rise in spending. The biggest challenge facing policymakers is to reform the current fee-for-service payment system that encourages hospitals to increase the volume of services to patients, even by inducing unnecessary treatments, to maximize profits.
To correct this incentive structure, policymakers need to adopt the “diagnostic-related group” approach that classifies patients according to illness and applies standard treatment charges to patients in the same category. This approach has been found to reduce unnecessary treatment and the length of hospital stays. Currently used for eight illnesses, the DRG payment system needs to be more broadly used to achieve cost savings.
The main hurdle to the shift in payment system is the Korean Medical Association’s opposition to it. The doctors’ organization is concerned that the DRG approach could lower hospital revenues and thereby their incomes. Here the government and the ruling Grand National Party can expect cooperation from the DP because the opposition party’s proposal also calls for a transition to the DRG approach.
Together with the payment system reform, policymakers need to implement other steps that can help curb health spending. For instance, they need to reduce expenditures on drugs, shift long-term care from hospitals to less expensive care, promote healthy aging, and introduce the general practitioner system.
DP leaders need to realize that these spending cut measures need to be implemented first before raising the NHI coverage. Otherwise, the expenditure increase would go out of control, making the health insurance system unsustainable. Focusing on free medical services without seeking to enhance the health care system’s efficiency would be nothing more than a populist policy.
Korea- Politicians fight to score with welfare- 2011-01-13
The move came weeks after Rep. Park Geun-hye, the leading presidential hopeful of the ruling Grand National Party by far, suggested what she called “tailored” welfare policies for Koreans: limiting the provision of benefits to the bottom 70 percent of earners.
Now all eyes are on which of the two ― universal or expanded but still limited ― styles of welfare will gain public support.
According to the DP, free child care is the latest add-on to its “free” policies covering school meals and medical services.
Party members agreed to adopt the plan to cover child care costs for 80 percent of families with children under 4 years old, and all families with 5-year-olds. They also decided to push for the “half college fee” project, in which the government subsidizes half of university enrollment fees to all students.
Democratic Party Chairman Sohn Hak-kyu (right) and floor leader Park Jie-won in conversation during the party’s general meeting in Seoul, Thursday. (Yonhap News) |
“The plans will come into effect gradually to avoid tax shock to people. But by adjusting several structures, we can achieve all,” said DP Chairman Sohn Hak-kyu.
“Universal welfare is just what we need. We are sure that our financial status is capable of its performance,” he added.
With such policies, the DP seeks to catch up with Park, who garnered more than 40 percent of support at a recent poll.
In local elections in June, the party celebrated a surprise victory against the GNP when it prioritized free school meals in election campaigns. The party is now determined to continue this enthusiasm, insiders said.
Grand National Party Chairman Ahn Sang-soo (right) denounces the opposition party’s free school meal plan during the party’s Supreme Council meeting in Seoul, Thursday. |
Lee Sang-gu, researcher at the Welfare State Society, said unsversal welfare was quite feasible.
“Welfare should be guaranteed to all people. It would be a great motivation to people to receive equal support from the government,” he said.
The GNP and other conservatives slammed the plan as “cheap populism,” which would fritter away state funds.
Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon, also a GNP member, is now in a struggle against liberal city educational superintendent Kwak No-hyun over the provision of free school meals.
“I will not let populism ruin the city administration,” Oh said. He suggested support for underprivileged children, which the GNP reaffirmed.
Skepticism prevails over the feasibility of both welfare plans.
President Lee Myung-bak recently said: “We have learned through other countries’ cases that welfare populism could easily break down a country’s future and welfare itself.”
Professor Yoon Jong-bin of Chung Ang University said the importance of welfare will grow as more people are attached to the issue. “However, I am concerned that the parties are jumping on the bandwagon without careful consideration of its feasibility,” he said.
Korea- DP divided over tax, welfare- 2011-01-21
How to finance “universal welfare” is now haunting the main opposition Democratic Party after it announced a slew of pledges for broader welfare benefits to attract voters in the 2012 general and presidential elections.
Party members are facing off over how to finance the 16.4 trillion won ($14.7 billion) a year project.
Rep. Chung Dong-young, member of the party’s Supreme Council, ignited the spark on Thursday by suggesting a net wealth tax.
In a seminar, he said the government could secure up to 10 trillion won a year from a 1 percent income tax on those with more than 3 billion won and levying a 1 percent wealth tax on the 36 enterprises with assets exceeding 1 trillion won.
“According to a National Tax Service report, the number of individuals that meet the condition is 270,000, just 0.58 percent of the population. The net wealth tax will be the only way to minimize the shock of tax hikes and reduce economic inequality in society at the same time,” he said.
Chung said Korea’s total tax rate was 19.3 percent, some 7.3 percent lower than the OECD average. “We must admit that the universal welfare system requires a tax increase.”
Chung’s remarks appear to target his in-house rival and party chairman Sohn Hak-kyu, who has repeatedly affirmed that universal welfare without tax hikes was possible through adjustments to the fiscal structure, revenue and expenditure structure while reinforcing some policies.
“Rolling back on tax cuts on the rich and slashing the budget for some wasteful projects such as the four river refurbishment and others could make the whole plan feasible without shouldering any more tax,” he said, showing his disapproval of Chung.
Net wealth taxes were adopted in many European countries decades ago as a way of generating more resources without tax resistance, but they now remain in only a handful of countries such as France, Switzerland, Norway and Liechtenstein.
Sohn and other leaders within the party have indicated that they are against the new tax, insisting universal welfare will create a “virtuous circle.”
The DP’s stance acknowledges the findings of a report by the Korea Economic Research Institute. According to the report, Koreans think that they must pursue universal welfare and that the state must intervene in reducing income gaps among society. But at the same time they are negative on raising taxes to finance the welfare.
Rep. Kang Bong-kyun and several others from financial bureaucratic backgrounds said they will form an in-house committee to study the feasibility of both sides.
“We agree with that we need to expand the welfare programs. But we must take some lessons from failures European countries had faced,” Kang said in a media interview.
Outside the party, the ruling GNP, which has recently suggested “selective welfare,” expanding the beneficiaries to bottom 70 percent of the income bracket, sneered at the DP.
Hong Joon-pyo, the party’s floor leader, degraded the plan as anachronistic and idealistic. “The DP’s plan will create tax bombs,” he said.
“If DP really wants the plan that bad, the party should have executed it 10 years ago, when it was the ruling party,” said Rep. Shim Jae-chul.
“Younger generations, who will have to support the aging society, will be heavily burdened once again,” he said.
The Presidential Council for Future and Vision on Friday suggested to President Lee Myung-bak that making a fine balance between universal and selective welfares is needed. “Welfare should not be a subject of populism,” said Kwak Seung-jun, president of the council.
Korea- Childbirths grow for 9th month in Nov.- 2011-01-24
According to the report by Statistics Korea, the number of babies born in November was about 41,200, up 17 percent or 6,000 from the same month a year earlier.
The latest figure marked the ninth consecutive on-year growth since last March. It is also the third straight month that the number has exceeded the 40,000 mark, the report showed.
“The increase in childbirth can be attributed to relatively fast-improving economic conditions, which resulted in more marriages and encouraged couples to have more babies as well,” an official of the statistics agency said.
The November figures brought the total number of baby births during the first 11 months of last year to around 434,100, up 5.6 percent from a year ago, the report showed.
The increase comes amid concerns here that Korea’s relatively low birthrate could undercut the nation’s long-term growth and raise welfare expenses.
The ongoing economic recovery also helped more couples tie the knot in the cited month.
The report said that the number of newlyweds came to 30,200 in November, up 12.3 percent from the same month a year earlier.
Between January and November, the total number of marriages stood at 288,400, up 5.4 percent from a year ago.
Divorces rose 6.9 percent to 10,800 last November, while death totaled 22,000, up 4.3 percent from a year earlier, according to the report.
In a separate report, the statistics agency said that a total of 727,000 people changed their official residency in December, down 2.1 percent from the same month a year earlier.
(Yonhap News)
Korea- 민간모금기관의 경쟁체제가 능동적 복지인가?- 2008/11/11
이명박 정부, 민간모금기관까지 정권의 산하기관으로 만들어 통제하려해
손숙미 의원의 사회복지공동모금회법 전부개정법률안 폐기돼야 마땅해
지난 6일 한나라당 손숙미 의원이 사회복지공동모금회법 전부개정법률안(의안번호 1789)을 발의하였다. 이명박 정부와 보건복지가족부(이하 복지부)를 대신하여 발의한 것이 공지의 사실인 이 법안은 “전문모금기관의 승인제도를 통해 민간모금시장의 경쟁과 다원화를 꾀함으로써 민간모금의 활성화를 촉진하기 위함”이라고 법 개정의 취지를 밝히고 있다. 그러나 이번 개정안은 능동적 복지 하에서 민간복지재원을 정권의 의도대로 통제하겠다는 발상에 다름 아니며, 여기에 더하여 그간 정부로부터 독립적 지위를 갖고 자율적으로 운영되어 온 사회복지공동모금회(이하 공동모금회)에 대한 길들이기의 성격을 담고 있다. 참여연대 사회복지위원회(위원장: 김종해 가톨릭대 교수)는 이명박 정부가 약속한 능동적 복지를 실현하기 위한 예산은 확보하지 않은 채 공동모금회의 해체와 민간모금기관의 통제에 열을 올리는 정부와 한나라당을 규탄하며, 민간모금시장 질서의 커다란 왜곡과 퇴행을 가져올 이번 개정안의 자진 철회를 촉구한다.
개정안은 복수의 민간전문모금기관을 통해 국민의 기부 선택권을 보장하고 민간모금시장의 활성화를 꾀하는 것을 핵심으로 하고 있으며, 이를 위해 복지부 산하에 차관이 위원장인 전문모금기관위원회를 설치하여 이들 기관에 대한 지정, 평가 및 지원 기능을 하도록 하고 있다. 또한 전문모금기관협회를 두어 이들 기관간의 모금액의 배분 및 조정, 모금의 전문지식 개발, 종사자 훈련 등을 행하도록 하는 등 전문모금기관의 지배구조와 운영에 대한 자세한 규정을 두고 있다. 그러나 이 개정안은 김영삼 정부 말기인 1997년 4월 사회복지계와 시민사회가 국민의 자발적 성금에 대한 정부의 통제와 관리권을 국민에게 되돌려준다는 명분하에 만들었던 사회복지공동모금회법을 스스로 뒤엎는 자가당착적 법안이다. 최근 복지부는 공동모금회의 3천억 원에 가까운 모금액에 대한 정부의 영향력이 거의 없다는 점에 대해 스스로 문제라고 규정하고, 공동모금회가 민간기관으로서 갖게 되는 의사결정상의 부분적 오류를 확대해석하여 자신들의 통제권 강화를 꾸준히 시도해왔다. 이번 개정안은 이명박 정부 출범 후 팽창하는 복지재정 수요를 국가예산보다는 민간의 재원으로 대체하려는 국가복지 책임의 방기를 분명하게 의도하고 있다. 국가 감세정책에 의한 복지예산을 민간모금으로 대체하겠다는 것인가? 이번 개정안은 당장 철회해야 마땅하다.
이번 개정안은 다음과 같은 문제점을 분명히 가지고 있다. 첫째, 이 법안은 전제부터가 잘못 되어있다. 법안은 지금까지 민간모금이 활성화되지 않은 이유가 마치 경쟁체제가 도입되지 않아 기부에 대한 국민선택권이 확보되지 않는 것으로 전제하고 있으나 이미 민간모금시장은 충분히 경쟁적이며 국민들은 매일 쏟아지는 각종 기부홍보물에 노출되어있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 미국의 1인당 연간 기부액이 113만원인 반면 한국의 연간기부액이 10만원 수준으로 10분의 1에도 못 미치는 이유는 모금기관간의 경쟁이 이뤄지지 않아서가 아니라, 아직도 기부 받는 기관들에 대한 사회적 신뢰성이 제고되지 못하고 있기 때문이다. 10년 전 출범 당시 연간모금액 150억 원에서 2007년 2,500억 원의 모금액을 기록한 가장 대표적이고, 공익적인 기관의 하나인 공동모금회의 지위를 끌어내리고 비슷한 공동모금기관들을 양산한다는 것은 아무런 실익이 없다.
둘째, 이 법안은 전제만이 아니라 그 해법 역시 잘못되어 있다. 전문모금기관의 승인과 평가 등 감독을 위해 복지부 산하에 전문모금기관위원회를 두고 5년마다 평가한다는 것은 정부가 민간모금기관에 대한 통제권을 갖게 된다는 점에서 기관 운영의 독립성과 배분의 공정성에 심각한 문제를 야기하게 될 것이다. 결국 이는 모금기관에 대한 국민의 불신도 불러일으킬 것이 자명하다. 특히 해방 후 거의 50년간 존재해 왔던 ‘기부금품모집규제법’이 그동안 기부금 모집에 대한 정부의 통제권을 행사한 대표적인 악법으로 성토의 대상이 되어 겨우 2년 전에 전부 개정된 점을 상기해보면 이번 개정안은 또 다른 기부금품모집규제법을 부활시키는 악법이 될 것이다.
셋째, 이 법안은 지난 10년간 민간의 자율기구로서 어렵게 성장하며 ‘사랑의 열매’를 통해 발전해온 공동모금회의 성과를 하루아침에 붕괴시키는 우를 범하고 있다. 공동모금회는 현재 중앙본부와 16개의 지회를 통해 우리나라 전체와 지역사회를 대표하는 경제계, 종교계, 법조계, 시민사회계, 학계 등의 명사들과 전문가들 수천 명이 자원봉사의 형태로 결합되어있는 순수민간 자율적 모금 및 배분기관이다. 공동모금회는 소외되고 고통 받는 취약계층을 위해 민간의 자발적 기부를 촉발시켜 지난 10년간 15배나 모금액을 신장시켰고, 공정하고 투명한 절차를 통해 큰 잡음 없이 기부액을 배분해 온 것이 주지의 사실이다. 그러나 이명박 정부는 산하기관도 아닌 공동모금회의 회장과 사무총장을 사퇴시키려 했고, 결국 국가인권위원회가 이의 부당함을 인정하고 복지부 책임자에 대한 징계권고 결정을 내리는 등 괜한 우여곡절에 휩쓸렸었다. 이번 개정안은 이 같은 정황상 공동모금회를 고사시키거나 길들이기 위한 목적으로 발의된 것이 아닌가 하는 의구심을 갖게 한다. 만일 그렇다면 이는 우리나라의 기부문화를 발전시키고, 그 성과가 자리 잡길 염원해 온 그간의 사회적 노력을 완전히 무산시키는 엄청난 오류를 저지르는 것이다.
넷째, 이 법안은 급조된 탓인지 조악함과 부적절한 내용까지 담고 있다. 우선 기존의 공동모금회에 적용되던 이사회 및 분과위원회 구성, 모금과 배분에 대한 규정을 향후 수없이 탄생할 모든 전문모금기관에 적용하고 있다. 이로 인해 국민들은 제각기 운영되는 수많은 또 다른 공동모금회들의 난립에서 오는 혼란에 직면할 수밖에 없다. 즉, 연말이면 수많은 기관들이 ‘사랑의 열매’, ‘사랑의 꽃(?)’, ‘사랑의 나무(?)’ 등을 내세워 신문과 TV에 나와 경쟁적으로 기부해 줄 것을 요구할 것이다. 또한 8월 31일이면 수많은 전문모금기관들이 일제히 사업공고를 내어 수혜기관의 입장에선 한때만의 배분 폭탄을 맞게 함으로써 상시적인 사업진행에 차질이 빚어질 것이다. 또한 이들 전문모금기관들마다 1명의 회장, 3명의 부회장, 12명 이상 각계대표가 고르게 포함된 이사, 그리고 4개 분과에 80명 이상의 위원들을 확보한 거대한 조직이 꾸려지게 됨으로써 아마도 인력난을 겪는 진풍경까지 볼 수 있게 되어있다.
다섯째, 개정안은 전문모금기관협회라는 옥상옥 구조를 만들어 정부가 재정을 부담하도록 함으로써 이 협회의 회장과 임원, 사무국을 운영하는 데에 국고를 낭비하며 이 기관을 통해 상시적인 전문모금기관에 대한 간섭과 통제를 대신하려는 노림수까지 두고 있다. 개정안의 비용추계서에 따르면 정부는 최소한 초기설치에 필요한 임대료 등 2억 원, 전문모금기관협회 운영에 3억7천백만원 등이 소요된다고 스스로 밝히고 있으나 이 정도로 그칠 사안이 아님은 불 보듯 뻔하다. 이는 재정의 효율성을 강조하는 현 정부의 기조에도 배치되는 일이 아닐 수 없다.
결론적으로 이번 개정안은 복지부가 오랫동안 꿈꿔온 대로 차제에 공동모금회를 산하기관화 하겠다는 움직임과, 민간재원의 동원으로 국가재정투여책임을 대신하고 동시에 코드인사가 관철되지 못한 기관에 대한 길들이기를 시도하려는 움직임이 합쳐진 악법이며 졸작이다. 참여연대 사회복지위원회는 이러한 불순한 동기와 잘못된 내용으로 가득한 법률이 통과되어 이제 막 피어나는 기부문화와 민간기관의 자율적 의사결정 구조의 정착, 그리고 무엇보다도 국가예산이 아닌 민간재원 투여를 통한 사회복지기관의 자율적 사업집행 등의 긍정적 효과를 무력화하는 일은 절대 일어나서는 안 된다는 점을 분명히 하는 바이다. 설혹 공동모금회가 민간의 자율적 운영과정에서 나타날 수 있는 오류가 있다면 현행 법 하에서도 사회복지법인에 대해 갖고 있는 복지부의 기본적인 감독권과 이사 해임권, 그리고 감사원의 감사권, 심지어는 국회의 국정감사권 등을 통해 충분히 가능하다.
18대 국회 보건복지가족위원회는 이제 첫 국정감사를 끝내고, 예산심의 및 법률심의에 본격적으로 접어든다. 경제위기로 인해 도탄에 빠진 국민들을 위해 수많은 제도적 보완이 절실하게 요구되는 마당에 사회복지공동모금회법 전부개정안과 같은 법을 심의하는데 쓸데없는 노력을 낭비하는 것은 18대 국회에 걸었던 국민들의 기대를 저버리는 일이 아닐 수 없다. 특히 한나라당 손숙미 의원은 두고두고 사회복지계에 오점을 남긴 의원으로 기록되지 않기 위해서라도 본 개정안을 철회하는 것이 뒤늦게나마 최선의 선택이란 점을 명심해야 할 것이다.
Korea- GNP to push for constitutional revision committee- 2011-01-27
The Grand National Party’s internal discussion about revising the Constitution to allow the president to seek re-election has recently gained momentum. President Lee Myung-bak raised the need to change the current single five-year presidency law and other parts of the Constitution so it can reflect times on important issues such as basic rights and gender equality.
“By law, the parliament is required to convene an extraordinary session on the first day of every second month,” GNP floor leader Kim Moo-sung said during a high-level policy consultation meeting between the party and the government.
“So we are going to submit a request for the convention on Friday to start a month-long extraordinary session from Feb. 1,” Kim said.
Rep. Lee Koon-hyon of the ruling Grand National Party delivers an opening address during a forum on constitutional revision at the National Assembly on Thursday. (Yonhap News) |
The meeting was held at the prime minister’s official residence and attended by 19 senior party officials, including Chairman Ahn Sang-soo and Kim, Prime Minister Kim Hwang-sik, 14 Cabinet ministers and five presidential aides.
The GNP floor leader predicted that such contentious issues as the opposition’s “populist” welfare drive, inflation, soaring housing rental costs and the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease will dominate the February session.
Constitutional revision can also become a hot issue, he added. (Yonhap News)
Korea- Corporations donate to CCK even as public holds back- 2011-01-30
But while much of the public shunned the charity, major conglomerates such as Samsung Group, POSCO and LG Group donated large sums of money just weeks after the scandal erupted.
Both Samsung and POSCO defended their donations recently, while LG declined to comment. Another major conglomerate who donated to the CCK defended its donation but refused to be named. According to the CCK, for the last five years 65 percent of donations have been corporate, with the rest coming from the general public.
A spokesman for POSCO, which along with its affiliates made an end of year donation of 10 billion won ($8.97 million) to the CCK, cited the resignation of its leadership and the impact that withholding the money would have on the poor as reasons for donating as usual. He also said there was a lack of alternative charities to give to.
Although there are other charities in Korea, the CCK is the only one which is state-endorsed and acts as an umbrella group that gives to other worthy organizations.
Other smaller charities were also hit by misappropriation scandals, affecting public trust in charities generally. Even scandal-free charities, such as the Salvation Army, also reported a drop in donations.
A Samsung spokesman who spoke on condition of anonymity said the group had waited until the resignation of the CCK leadership before giving its 20 billion won donation before Christmas and added that donations have been part of its yearly schedule since 2004.
“We thought it was the right timing. ... We waited for a while to see the end of the corruption issue,” the spokesman said.
The spokesman said the group was not in a position to comment on the fact that 55 percent of CCK’s staff had been punished for misconduct.
In the first 10 days of its yearend campaign, the CCK collected 6 billion won ― down a staggering 42.6 billion won from the same period the previous year. As of Dec. 31, individual donations had gone down about 18 percent, from 55.6 billion won to 45.8 billion won.
The CCK pointed out that over the course of the year donations rose about 7 billion won from 2009 to 338 billion won last year. The period covered by this figure, however, is mostly before the scandal hit.
An inspection by the Ministry of Health and Welfare in mid October found that officials at provincial offices of South Korea’s only government-backed charity had misappropriated up to 700 million won in donations. Donations had been misused for drinks, karaoke, skiing and other illegitimate expenses.
The CCK’s entire leadership, including chairman Yoon Byung-chul, resigned as a result of the scandal. New CCK chairman Lee Dong-gun, who is a former chairman of Rotary International, a humanitarian organization, pledged to reform the charity and regain the public trust upon taking his post last December. Lee is known for his efforts in fighting polio and illiteracy in impoverished countries.
An LG spokesperson said it was inappropriate for the company to answer questions as a donor, adding, “Please understand that those are very sensitive questions for us.” The company gave 10 billion won to the CCK in December.
Another major conglomerate said that it considered the issue largely resolved since the resignation of the CCK leadership and no concerns about future misuse of finds.
“The donations were made after the situation had been addressed, and as far as we are aware Samsung and others did the same,” a spokesman said, insisting on anonymity for the company.
“Immediately after the scandal the CCK was in disarray and they are said to have experienced difficulties in fund raising, but once the new chairman was selected, much of related issues are considered to have been solved ... we have no reservations or concerns that the funds may be inappropriately used. If we had, the donations would not have been made,” he added.
A spokesman for the CCK this week told The Korea Herald that a number of major reforms had been introduced to prevent future corruption at the charity, including a “one strike and you’re out” policy for employees who take bribes or misuse funds.
The CCK also said it is now authorized to impose fines of up to three times the amount of any money misappropriated and will establish a civil watchdog committee. Further, it has revised its Code of Ethics to guide employees on fundraising in a “transparent and honest manner.”
“Further actions that can help our reformation will be evaluated, and all necessary actions will be strongly implemented to improve the level of public trust,” said new chairman Lee.
Japan- [Editorial] Lessons from Japan- 2011-01-30
Japan’s public debt is expected to hit 204 percent of GDP this year, the world’s highest ratio. The liabilities are forecast to surpass 1,000 trillion yen next year and, according to the International Monetary Fund, could shoot up to 247 percent of GDP in 2014.
The staggering debt burden is a legacy of massive government spending in the 1990s. Following the burst of a huge property bubble, the Tokyo government chose to keep the economy afloat through monetary easing and increased fiscal spending instead of undergoing the painful process of restructuring financial institutions mired in bad debts and insolvent corporations.
To make matters worse, the Democratic Party of Japan, which took power in September 2009, increased budget sharply to introduce new welfare programs it promised to voters. This expanded the budget deficit, forcing the government to issue more bonds to cover it.
The problem is that the fiscal situation is likely to worsen down the road as population aging will accelerate. Because of the rapid graying of the population, Japan’s welfare spending is bound to automatically grow by 1 trillion yen each year. But Japan’s younger generations have started to decrease in number, meaning Japan’s welfare system has become unsustainable.
But the DPJ government has no will to reform it. Prime Minister Naoto Kan vowed on Friday to push ahead with tax reforms to curb public debt growth, but few believe he would be able to bring the debt problem under control. S&P has pointed out that the DPJ government has no “coherent” debt strategy.
Japan’s fiscal mess is something that Korea cannot look on with indifference. Korea’s pace of population aging is even faster than Japan’s. Policymakers need to study Japan’s experience carefully to avoid falling into a similar trouble. These days, Korean politicians are competitively proposing populist welfare plans. To see the inevitable consequences of such reckless schemes, they need look no further than Japan.
Korea- Lee urges nations’ fair, responsible role over nukes- 01-03-2011
Korea moving forward to mature welfare state
Director of the Korea Economic Institute in America
Korea's welfare system has developed over the past 40 years from a bare structure to a relatively comprehensive social welfare program. After the Korean War ended in 1953, the government and the general public were focused on rebuilding the nation and pursued economic development.
At that time, the nation's GDP was a mere $80, and most Koreans lived in absolute poverty. People worked hard without any social protection. The topic of social welfare was never on the government's policy agenda.
It became a political issue when the military government took office in the 1960s. The government tried to gain public support by promising a series of social reforms to improve the lives of ordinary citizens. Many of the social welfare programs were adopted as a basic principle of the country's constitution, but only a few were implemented.
The nation failed to make any significant improvement, as policymakers continued to be preoccupied with economic growth. In the wake of the Asian financial crisis in 1997 the country was forced to restructure and strengthen its existing social welfare programs.
The demand for welfare increased significantly. This in turn changed the welfare structure, together with expansion in welfare expenditure. Social welfare issues became a critical and urgent policy agenda for the first time in Korea's history.
Social insurance policy
Social insurance is a welfare program which secures financial support for a time of little or no income, the disabled, old age, and death. Korea's insurance programs are financed by contributions from employers, employees, and the government. The framework of the Korean welfare system was completed through a series of welfare reforms under President Kim Dae-jung, who took office in 1998 in the midst of the financial crisis of 1997. The government has extended the existing four social insurance programs to the entire nation and/or to all of the working population: worker's compensation, health insurance, pension program and unemployment insurance.
(1) The first significant social welfare program in Korea was the Industrial Accident Insurance program introduced in 1963. During the time of industrialization, this program provided social protection for industrial workers in companies with 500 or more employees. The law gradually expanded to cover companies with 200 or more workers by 1965 and more than 50 in 1969. At present, firms with more than one regular employee can join the program.
(2) The National Health Insurance law was passed in 1963. This program started as a pilot project. Its content and the form later became the pillars of Korea's health care system. By 1977, coverage became compulsory, protecting employees of large industrial companies, public employees and private school teachers. In 1981, the coverage was extended to companies with more than 100 employees, and three years later firms with 16 or more workers were able to join the program. But the cost of health insurance was shared equally by employees and employers, so people without employers were not able to participate in the system. When the first democratically elected government came into power in 1988, it offered the National Health Insurance benefits to the entire population, including farmers and the self-employed. By 1989, nearly all Koreans had extended medical insurance coverage.
(3) The National Pension Scheme was introduced to provide all members of the general public with a guaranteed income upon retirement so that they could maintain a basic standard of living. The nation's first pension program was introduced in 1960, providing coverage for government employees. This was followed by coverage for military personnel in 1963 and for private school teachers in 1975. The system became compulsory in 1988, covering workplaces with 10 or more employees. The coverage was extended to workplaces with 5 or more employees by 1992 and subsequently to all full-time employees. In addition, there is a mandatory severance payment that is completely financed by employers. The minimum benefit is a single, lump sum payment equivalent to one month's salary per year of service. This payment is required to be paid out within 14 days of termination or retirement.
(4) The Unemployment Insurance System was adopted in 1995 when unemployment was relatively low. It has three main programs, including the Employment Stabilization Program, the Vocational Competency Development Program, and the Unemployment Benefit Programs. The main object was to provide financial support to workers during a time of unemployment and to promote employment through job training. All workers, except part-time employees, were covered under this benefit. This program was categorized into three main parts.
Social safety net and public assistance programs
Public Assistance is another form of welfare program that guarantees the basic livelihood of people. Korea's first public assistance program, "Livelihood Protection" was introduced in 1961 to primarily protect children, the elderly and the disabled. But it was severely criticized for the low-benefit level, unreasonable selection process, and other structural problems.
After the nation was hit hard by the financial crisis of 1997-98, the demand for public assistance escalated. The social impact of the crisis was most prominent in unemployment.
The unemployment rate skyrocketed from 2 percent in 1996 to 8 percent in the first quarter of 1999, and the nation's poverty rate doubled from the pre-crisis level.
The existing public assistance program was only able to cover 60 percent of the people in desperate need. The inadequate social safety net program in Korea could not handle the rising number of poor people.
At that time, the human rights movement became widespread in Korean society, shifting the emphasis from individual responsibility for welfare support to state responsibility.
The government extended the public assistance program by replacing the "Livelihood Protection" program with the "National Basic Livelihood Security Program" in 1999 and it was implemented from October 2000. This program guarantees, for the first time in Korea, the right to social security of its citizens and provides a minimum standard of living for every Korean.
Rising life expectancy and falling fertility rate
Korea's graying population is fast becoming the nation's number one social problem. With the advancement of medical technology, the average life expectancy has increased dramatically since 1950 (see Table 1). Aging was first noticed as a social problem in the 1970s, but it was not seriously considered until 2000 when the nation became an "aging society" when 7 percent of the total population was aged 65 or over. Korea is expected to become an "aged society" in 2018 when 14 percent of its population will be 65 or older and "super-aged" in 2026 when 20 percent of the total population will be elderly.
According to the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Family, the population in the 30-40 age bracket has been declining since 2006. By 2030, the average age in Korea will be 43 years old, up from 33 in 2000. Caring for the elderly is no longer a family issue but has become a social problem.
The government has been offering various incentives to employers to maintain older employees. It also tried to abolish barriers in the work places which hinder the hiring of elderly workers.
A range of programs and services were introduced to protect the safety of senior citizens.
The welfare budget to help aged Koreans has increased steadily. Since 1983, the government has been providing free health examinations for the disadvantaged older population, and the service was expanded to cover various geriatric diseases in 1992.
The program was further expanded in 1996 to include blood tests and x-ray examinations to screen for specific aged-related diseases, such as cancer.
Furthermore, the government has introduced long-term health care for the elderly, especially those suffering from chronic illness and age related ailments such as Alzheimer's disease.
Those who qualify can receive services such as in-home nursing care and admission to a long-term care facility at around 20 percent of the normal cost. Moreover, the country has launched a basic old-age pension program to help the elderly obtain pension benefits. The program is to offer up to 84,000 won in monthly payments to seniors aged 65 or over.
In addition, there are various senior discount programs available to provide the elderly with discounts on public transportation and admission to public facilities. Also, they receive a transportation allowance of around 10,000 won per month.
Declining population
The declining birth rate is another serious problem. The National Statistical Office reported that Korea's birth rate has plummeted from 5.6 in 1960 to 1.7 in 1995 and to 1.2 in 2009, far below the replacement rate of 2.1 and the lowest rate among OECD nations (see Table 2). If this rate continues to remain at 1.2, the nation's total population will decline rapidly from 2018.
This means that the nation will face a serious worker shortage as there will be fewer people in the labor market. Such a declining rate, combined with a rapidly aging population, is creating a new problem in Korean society, posing a threat to sustainable growth.
The Korean government has been introducing various policies to promote childbirth, such as offering financial incentives.
Companies have been offering birth bonuses and child rearing support to join in with the government to help boost the nation's worryingly low birth rate.
Most women said that the low rate is fundamentally caused by unfavorable working conditions, especially for married women. Despite the increase in women's economic participation, a return to work after giving birth is not guaranteed.
Women therefore have difficulties in deciding whether to have a baby. A survey by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs in March 2006 revealed that more than half of pregnant working women experienced difficulties in securing their career.
The government is working together with private companies to extend maternity leave benefits and provide flexible hours to working mothers. Previously, many women were reluctant to take advantage of these benefits in fear of being fired or forced to retire from work.
Despite the increase in the total number of childcare facilities from 9,085 to 28,367 during the period from 1995-2005, a shortage in childcare facilities that parents can trust still inhibits married couples from having children.
The Ministry of Gender Equality and Family has announced that its top priority is to strengthen the existing child care policy. At a time when the low fertility rate is becoming a serious social issue, child care policies must be addressed. Recent data indicated that only 15 percent of families with a child aged 1 year or younger has access to child care facilities.
First rate welfare system
Social welfare programs are designed to seek social integration. As Korea achieved economic success, people started to pay more attention to their quality of life and to help the disadvantaged. Since the 1990s, the Korean welfare system has undergone significant changes.
Social welfare expenditure has increased significantly due to the introduction of many new programs and the expansion of the coverage of existing ones.
Social welfare spending has increased by an average of 10.8 percent over the last five years, 2.2 times higher than the OECD average of 4.9 percent. The welfare budget as a percentage of total government spending increased from 14.3 percent in 1987 to 27.9 percent in 2006. This year so far the government has allocated 81 trillion won for social welfare, up 8.9 percent from 2009.
The current administration has made the social welfare program a national priority and laid out a foundation for the lifetime well-being of all citizens.
Policymakers have been tasked to stabilize the financial soundness of the National Health Insurance System while establishing a dependable basic social safety net program.
They will prioritize the policy agenda to guarantee a comfortable life after retirement for the elderly, as well as disabled individuals.
It is true that Korea's welfare budget is still low compared to that of other developed nations. But the nation has come a long way from the ashes of the Korean War to become the 15th largest economy in the world.
Along the way, policymakers recognized the need to implement various social programs to guarantee the welfare of the people. The nation's four significant insurance systems ― workmen's compensation, health insurance, the pension program and unemployment insurance ― currently covers its entire population.
Some of these programs are more advanced than other developed countries, for example, the universal health care system. Furthermore, the country guarantees the basic livelihood of all Koreans.
The policymakers have introduced laws to protect the disadvantaged. Korea has made a major improvement in the nation's welfare programs following the financial crisis. If the past is any indication, there is no doubt that the nation will continue to progress to a mature welfare state.
Korea- 'Dynamic' Welfare State- 03-16-2010
Hundreds of politicians, academics and civic and labor activists met Monday under the cause of turning Korea into a welfare state. Foreigners, especially Westerners, might find this seemingly abrupt move long overdue. But the truth is, the world's 14th largest economy has never been a welfare state as industrial countries see it, even less a ``dynamic" one, as the organizers of the new movement mean it.
A good indicator of where Korea stands in welfare issues is the ongoing political debate over the school-meal system. President Lee Myung-bak and his conservative supporters brush aside the opposition's calls for free school lunch as ``socialist" and ``populist" claims. This shows their concept of welfare is based on such outdated modifiers as ``beneficent" and ``selective." In most industrial countries, however, free lunch is just part of free education, which the governments should guarantee their peoples as ``basic" and ``universal" rights.
Little wonder that less than 15 percent of Korean students are ``benefitting" from free meals, while the comparable ratios are nearly 100 percent in Western European nations of social democracy, and well over 50 percent even in the United States and Britain, the so-called bastions of neo-liberalistic capitalism.
Even the previous two liberal administrations adhered to this ``static" notion of welfare based on the Anglo-American economic model of globalization and unlimited competition, failing to keep the income gap from widening further among the people and losing in major elections. And this means how difficult it would be to enlighten voters of what genuine welfare is supposed to be, in this country where even low-income brackets support the Lee administration's tax cuts for wealthy property holders, believing in the ``trickle down" effect, which has long proved to be almost non-existent, both here and abroad.
Moreover, as seen in President Lee's ``worker-friendly" policy and his conservative archrival Park Geun-hye's ``welfare Korea" catchy phrase, the center-rightist camps have preempted the welfare slogans while the left-of-center parties were reeling under the aftermath of election defeats not even knowing what exactly has gone wrong ― in terms of economic ideology and its practices.
So it was right for the advocates of the new movement to place focus not just on welfare but on broader economic policies, such as taxation, fiscal operation and corporate regulations. Without changing fundamental economic and social structure, there are clear limitations to the incumbent government's worker-friendly policy, as shown by the failures of some initial examples. For instance, the long-term lending program for college students have already turned another source of usurious income for banks, while the micro-credit system is too far away from those who need it most because of too high a threshold for the working poor.
What matters is how to link the welfare to economic dynamism. There is too much truth to ignore in the adage, ``the provision of jobs is the best welfare policy." This means the new movement's success lies in whether it can create a ``dynamic welfare society," in which production, not finance, plays a central role and welfare is closely connected to production, working to sharply improve distribution and continue to create productive demand from within the system.
And the forthcoming local elections will be a good starting place to present at least some concrete alternatives to turn the new manifesto into reality.
Korea- Passion over welfare- 01-19-2011
When Prime Minister Kim Hwang-shik took office last October, it wasn’t really the confirmation hearings that landed him in hot water.
It was his comment about how the subway shouldn’t be free to citizens who are over 65 years old, as it is now. His comment instantly drew a public backlash, and he quickly expressed regret for making it.
Some political insiders believed that Kim, a former chief of the Board of Audit and Inspection, was speaking from the perspective of one who knew the subway was running up a deficit.
But Korea currently lacks a social safety net; there is no broad U.S.-type social security benefit. Thus, a free subway ride for citizens 65 years and older provides a way for most of these people who have retired to get around and be active. Thus, the idea of some free public service, albeit small, is naturally receptive with the majority of the populace.
In the political realm, the main opposition Democratic Party (DP) is construed as having won big in last year’s June 2 local elections when it came out with a proposal to provide free lunches for elementary and middle school children.
This year, the DP has come up with a package of providing not only free lunches at schools, but the proposal to cut the amount patients have to pay in medical fees for treatment and hospitalization down to 10 percent from the current 40 percent and provide free childcare for children up to 5 years old.
It also proposes halving college tuition, with assistance from the government. Sohn Hak-kyu, DP chairman has said that “the ultimate goal of welfare is that (people) are treated equally and with dignity.”
The governing Grand National Party (GNP) has been criticizing the DP for raising the specter of populism. But the GNP has put forth welfare benefit proposals, too.
The party’s frontrunner for its presidential candidacy, former party chairwoman Park Geun-hye, has declared that the welfare policy will be her bread-and-butter issue for the next presidential election in December 2012. “I’d like to propose a preemptive, sustainable and integrated welfare system that can produce tangible results for the people,” Park said in a speech.
GNP Chairman Ahn Sang-soo has also vouched for expanding welfare benefits to cover about 70 percent (excluding the top 30 percent of high-income) of households.
Thus, the need for expansion of welfare benefits is a common denominator in Korea. Among the member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Korea’s welfare level was among the lowest.
Korea spent 7.5 percent on public welfare spending in comparison to its gross domestic product in 2009. That figure comes to less than half of the average spending on public welfare, or 19.3 percent of other OECD nations. The difference seems a matter of scope for the two major parties. Of course, we cannot ignore the political factor in here. The DP is expected to seek a policy-based coalition along with minor parties.
But as the old but true saying goes, there is no such thing as a free lunch. The DP estimates that about 8.1 trillion won will be needed to provide free medical care; 4.1 trillion won for free child care; and 1 trillion won for free school lunches and 3.2 trillion won for college tuition assistance.
The government and the governing party beg to differ, saying that the DP figures are too modest for its grand scheme.
Individual Koreans might feel that they are already paying too much tax, but increased welfare benefits invariably will mean a bigger tax burden. As Korean society rapidly ages, the burden may well be heavier on those now in the work force and those who honestly report their earnings.
Let’s just hope that all the heated debate about expanding welfare benefits leads to all taxpayers equally and with dignity doing their part in the process.
Korea- 'Welfare war' flaring up - 01-23-2011
Traditionally, national security issues regarding North Korea’s military threats and economy-related matters dominated the agenda for parliamentary or presidential elections, but not this time.
Ahead of next year’s general and presidential elections, the rival political parties are wrangling over public welfare policies, which the parties and political observers believe will sway the public opinion in the elections to an extent.
“The main opposition Democratic Party (DP)’s successful bid to free lunches for all elementary and secondary students ignited this ‘war of welfare,’” a political observer told The Korea Times.
“The opposition party, in fact, benefited from the free school lunch campaign in last year’s local elections, so they want to capitalize on the ‘free-series’ welfare programs more and the ruling Grand National Party (GNP) had to respond to it,” he said. “The problem is that any welfare program would eventually sacrifice taxpayers’ money.”
In December, the DP-backed Seoul Metropolitan Council passed the 2011 budget bill containing about 70 billion won earmarked for free school meals, despite vehement opposition by Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon, a potential presidential candidate on the GNP ticket, and conservative civic groups.
Oh has argued free lunches should be offered only to students from low-income families, and more money should instead be spent to improve welfare benefits for the underprivileged students. Otherwise, the mayor claims, the government’s fiscal soundness would be dent seriously.
The DP says limiting free lunches in accordance with income level would stigmatize students who receive them actually perceptive of indicators of wealth and class.
Following its successful free school lunch campaign, the center-left DP has laid out a package of “universal” welfare programs, which the conservative GNP denounces populist plans that would lead to collecting more taxes.
DP’s proposals include a free health care for the entire population, free childcare and half-priced tuition for college students.
The party claims, for example, the free medical service is aimed at paying 90 percent of an individual’s medical expenses by 2015.
Currently, 62 percent of medical fees is covered by state health insurance and 38 percent is covered by individuals.
The DP estimates that about 8 trillion won would be required for the new program and it wants to levy a new 5.64 percent tax to finance about half of the target.
Proponents in the DP for the free medical service plan argues the program is feasible when the government cuts unnecessary spending in some state projects, scrap a plan to reduce taxes for the high-income bracket, and expand composite income tax.
Rep. Chung Dong-young, a member of DP’s supreme council, Thursday called for garnering about 20 trillion won from people on high incomes to implement the party’s welfare plans.
In the face of criticism about a lack of financial resources for the party’s welfare campaign, the DP announced a plan to launch a 20-member panel next month to verify the feasibility of the party’s pledges of broader welfare benefits.
The GNP denies DP’s welfare policies.
It says the free medical care would cost about 30 trillion won annually, criticizing the DP for make an estimation of the cost too conservatively apparently to win the public support.
The party also says the free lunch plan would cost some 1.7 trillion won and free child care, 6.8 trillion won. The half-price tuition program would cost about 4.9 trillion won.
Minister of Health and Welfare Chin Soo-hee backed the GNP position.
“The DP’s free public health program isn’t truly free,” she said. “An extra 30 trillion is needed to finance the program, and in this case, the cost of health insurance fees will be doubled. This will greatly burden both low- and high-income classes.”
Former GNP chairwoman Rep. Park Geun-hye, a prominent presidenital candidate for next year’s presidential race, expressed concern about DP’s welfare plans.
In a luncheon with technocrats-turned-lawmakers of the GNP, Park called for a “tailored welfare policy” to give benefits to those in need selectively.
Earlier on Friday, a presidential panel proposed a hybrid between the welfare pledges of both the GNP and DP.
In its report to President Lee Myung-bak, the Presidential Council for Future & Vision suggested that the government resume the so-called Human New Deal Project, a 2009 measure aimed at helping low-income households during a global financial crisis.
The panel said the government needs to pursue both welfare policies so that beneficiaries can be decided depending on situations and conditions.
It said the Human New Deal Project can serve as a stepping stone to the Korean-style welfare model.
Under the project, the government will step up a drive to reduce household spending on private education, communication and renting houses, while focusing efforts on creating jobs and encouraging the launch of social enterprises and one-man businesses in high-tech industries.
Taiwan- 健保總體檢 藥品年燒3百億-2011/01/28
(中央社記者溫貴香台北28日電)監察委員黃煌雄等人今天完成「全民健保總體檢報告」指出,健保支付制度不公、加上每年藥品浪費達新台幣300億元,建議行政院編列類似5年500億元專款專用,改善支付制度。
監委黃煌雄、沈美真、劉興善上午召開「我國全民健康保險總體檢案」記者會,沈美真表示,她實地訪查醫療院所,不論正式或私下互動場合,大家共同的感受就是醫療資源浪費有「3多」,即「看病多、拿藥多、檢查多。」
她說,醫療院所第一線的發言,常提到藥費支出佔健保給付(民國100年健保給付將超過5000億元)的1/4,藥費支出中有1/4的藥未服用,這種藥品費用浪費高達300億元,令人無法不嚴正面對。
黃煌雄表示,健保支付制度設計不良與不公,當初健保開辦匆促上路,支付制度沿用公保、勞保給付,費用偏低,導致內、外、婦、兒4大科人才流失;加上「以藥養醫」的藥價差,已成為醫院生存最後一道「馬其諾防線」,醫療機構的經營已步入艱難時期。
他說,為確保健保永續經營,維護醫師專業報酬及應有的尊嚴,衛生署應重新全盤檢討診療費、處置費及手術費的合理性。
黃煌雄指出,行政院應揭櫫具有號召性的鮮明主張,以類似5年500億元的計畫,經由「外加為主、內含為輔」的預算編列方式,專款專用,全力重振內、外、婦、兒4大科、守護社區醫院的目標。
他建議,行政院宜責成衛生署,參考英國「國立健康及臨床研究卓越研究院」(簡稱NICE)的定位與功能,結合各種專家與專業性團體,以及原屬國家衛生研究院的衛生研究發展中心人員,成立類似財團法人性質的台灣健保研究院,為健康促進、疾病預防及治療相關的準則發展,提供客觀、獨立又具代表性與公信力的諮詢建議。1000128
政治學 Political Science[1]
1.1 전통적 정치학: 정치사상, 규범적 학문 ¶
1.2 19~20세기의 정치학: 정치이론과 제도, 실증적 학문 ¶
1.3 현대: 과학으로서의 정치학과 그에 대한 비판 ¶
2 정치학의 분야 ¶
2.1 정치사상/철학 ¶
2.2 정치이론/제도 ¶
2.3 정치학연구방법론 ¶
2.4 비교정치학 ¶
2.5 정치경제학 ¶
2.6 국제정치학 ¶
2.7 공공정책학 ¶
[2] 경제학과 비교해 보면 두 학문이 사회현상에 대하여 서로 어떤 다른 관점을 가지고 있는지 알 수 있어 흥미롭다. 참고로 엔하위키 경제학 항목의 경제학에 대한 정의는 다음과 같다: 자원의 희소성이라는 전제 하에 합리적 행위자인 개인과 집단이 어떠한 선택을 하는가의 문제를 다루는 학문.
[3] 이 외에도 여러 가지 정의가 있다.
[4] 물론 조금만 공부해 봐도 그 생각이 잘못된 것임을 쉽게 확인할 수 있다.
[5] 이러한 전통은 현재의 정치학에도 계승되어, 정치학 관련 개론/입문 서적에서는 아직도 정치학의 여러 분야를 열거할 때 정치사상을 가장 앞에 놓는다.
[6] 특히 칸트의 저서 중 유명한 "영구평화(perpetual peace)"는 21세기의 국제정치학에서 민주평화론(democratic peace theory)이라는 새로운 개념으로 계승된다.
[7] 물론, 벌써 90년이 다 되어 가는데도 한국의 정치학에 대한 인식은 매우 편향적이지만(...)
[8] 행정학을 정치학과 완전히 분리하는 입장에서는 공공정책학을 행정학의 일부분으로 집어넣기도 한다.
[9] 정치사상 전공으로 미국의 top school 대학원 과정에 들어가는 한국 학부 출신은 1년에 1명이 채 될까말까 한다.
[10] 예를 들면 1대50 탱크 프라모델을 300종 이상 사모았다는 서울대학교 외교학과의 어떤 분이라든가(...)