Korea- Strategy for Green Technology Development- December 8, 2010
Korea- President Lee to Attend the 2nd Global Policy Forum in Yaroslavl, Russia- 2010-09-03
Korea- [Editorial] Health care reform- 2011-01-1
The DP’s health care plan calls for raising the coverage of medical bills by the National Health Insurance from the current 62 percent to 90 percent over the next five years. It would also lower the ceiling for out-of-pocket payments by patients from the current 4 million won to 1 million won, while extending the NHI’s reach to cover some 2.4 million low-income people who are currently excluded from it.
The DP projected its new proposal would increase the NHI’s annual expenditure by 8.1 trillion won. This spending growth, it said, can be covered by collecting more premiums from employees at companies and by expanding the government’s fiscal support.
The opposition party’s scheme comes at a time when calls for health care reform are growing. Korea’s health insurance system has been touted as an efficient, low-cost program to provide health care to the public. But it has limitations, including high patient co-payments, a wide range of non-covered services, and the exclusion of low-income people who cannot pay into the insurance scheme.
The DP’s proposal is intended to address these weaknesses. But the problem is that the sustainability of the health insurance system is in question even at the current level of coverage. On Jan. 3, the National Health Insurance Corp. reported it ran a 1.3 trillion won deficit last year.
This year’s deficit is expected to be cut to 500 billion won thanks to a 5.9 percent increase in contributions. But budget shortfall is forecast to snowball down the road due to rapid population aging, expansion of coverage, introduction of expensive medical equipment and demand for better health services. According to a recent study, the NHI’s annual deficit would reach 22 trillion won in 2030 if the current income and expenditure structure is maintained ― even without factoring in the accelerating pace of population aging.
Hence, the current health care system needs reform to curb the rapid rise in spending. The biggest challenge facing policymakers is to reform the current fee-for-service payment system that encourages hospitals to increase the volume of services to patients, even by inducing unnecessary treatments, to maximize profits.
To correct this incentive structure, policymakers need to adopt the “diagnostic-related group” approach that classifies patients according to illness and applies standard treatment charges to patients in the same category. This approach has been found to reduce unnecessary treatment and the length of hospital stays. Currently used for eight illnesses, the DRG payment system needs to be more broadly used to achieve cost savings.
The main hurdle to the shift in payment system is the Korean Medical Association’s opposition to it. The doctors’ organization is concerned that the DRG approach could lower hospital revenues and thereby their incomes. Here the government and the ruling Grand National Party can expect cooperation from the DP because the opposition party’s proposal also calls for a transition to the DRG approach.
Together with the payment system reform, policymakers need to implement other steps that can help curb health spending. For instance, they need to reduce expenditures on drugs, shift long-term care from hospitals to less expensive care, promote healthy aging, and introduce the general practitioner system.
DP leaders need to realize that these spending cut measures need to be implemented first before raising the NHI coverage. Otherwise, the expenditure increase would go out of control, making the health insurance system unsustainable. Focusing on free medical services without seeking to enhance the health care system’s efficiency would be nothing more than a populist policy.
Korea- Politicians fight to score with welfare- 2011-01-13
The move came weeks after Rep. Park Geun-hye, the leading presidential hopeful of the ruling Grand National Party by far, suggested what she called “tailored” welfare policies for Koreans: limiting the provision of benefits to the bottom 70 percent of earners.
Now all eyes are on which of the two ― universal or expanded but still limited ― styles of welfare will gain public support.
According to the DP, free child care is the latest add-on to its “free” policies covering school meals and medical services.
Party members agreed to adopt the plan to cover child care costs for 80 percent of families with children under 4 years old, and all families with 5-year-olds. They also decided to push for the “half college fee” project, in which the government subsidizes half of university enrollment fees to all students.
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Democratic Party Chairman Sohn Hak-kyu (right) and floor leader Park Jie-won in conversation during the party’s general meeting in Seoul, Thursday. (Yonhap News) |
“The plans will come into effect gradually to avoid tax shock to people. But by adjusting several structures, we can achieve all,” said DP Chairman Sohn Hak-kyu.
“Universal welfare is just what we need. We are sure that our financial status is capable of its performance,” he added.
With such policies, the DP seeks to catch up with Park, who garnered more than 40 percent of support at a recent poll.
In local elections in June, the party celebrated a surprise victory against the GNP when it prioritized free school meals in election campaigns. The party is now determined to continue this enthusiasm, insiders said.
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Grand National Party Chairman Ahn Sang-soo (right) denounces the opposition party’s free school meal plan during the party’s Supreme Council meeting in Seoul, Thursday. |
Lee Sang-gu, researcher at the Welfare State Society, said unsversal welfare was quite feasible.
“Welfare should be guaranteed to all people. It would be a great motivation to people to receive equal support from the government,” he said.
The GNP and other conservatives slammed the plan as “cheap populism,” which would fritter away state funds.
Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon, also a GNP member, is now in a struggle against liberal city educational superintendent Kwak No-hyun over the provision of free school meals.
“I will not let populism ruin the city administration,” Oh said. He suggested support for underprivileged children, which the GNP reaffirmed.
Skepticism prevails over the feasibility of both welfare plans.
President Lee Myung-bak recently said: “We have learned through other countries’ cases that welfare populism could easily break down a country’s future and welfare itself.”
Professor Yoon Jong-bin of Chung Ang University said the importance of welfare will grow as more people are attached to the issue. “However, I am concerned that the parties are jumping on the bandwagon without careful consideration of its feasibility,” he said.
Korea- DP divided over tax, welfare- 2011-01-21
How to finance “universal welfare” is now haunting the main opposition Democratic Party after it announced a slew of pledges for broader welfare benefits to attract voters in the 2012 general and presidential elections.
Party members are facing off over how to finance the 16.4 trillion won ($14.7 billion) a year project.
Rep. Chung Dong-young, member of the party’s Supreme Council, ignited the spark on Thursday by suggesting a net wealth tax.
In a seminar, he said the government could secure up to 10 trillion won a year from a 1 percent income tax on those with more than 3 billion won and levying a 1 percent wealth tax on the 36 enterprises with assets exceeding 1 trillion won.
“According to a National Tax Service report, the number of individuals that meet the condition is 270,000, just 0.58 percent of the population. The net wealth tax will be the only way to minimize the shock of tax hikes and reduce economic inequality in society at the same time,” he said.
Chung said Korea’s total tax rate was 19.3 percent, some 7.3 percent lower than the OECD average. “We must admit that the universal welfare system requires a tax increase.”
Chung’s remarks appear to target his in-house rival and party chairman Sohn Hak-kyu, who has repeatedly affirmed that universal welfare without tax hikes was possible through adjustments to the fiscal structure, revenue and expenditure structure while reinforcing some policies.
“Rolling back on tax cuts on the rich and slashing the budget for some wasteful projects such as the four river refurbishment and others could make the whole plan feasible without shouldering any more tax,” he said, showing his disapproval of Chung.
Net wealth taxes were adopted in many European countries decades ago as a way of generating more resources without tax resistance, but they now remain in only a handful of countries such as France, Switzerland, Norway and Liechtenstein.
Sohn and other leaders within the party have indicated that they are against the new tax, insisting universal welfare will create a “virtuous circle.”
The DP’s stance acknowledges the findings of a report by the Korea Economic Research Institute. According to the report, Koreans think that they must pursue universal welfare and that the state must intervene in reducing income gaps among society. But at the same time they are negative on raising taxes to finance the welfare.
Rep. Kang Bong-kyun and several others from financial bureaucratic backgrounds said they will form an in-house committee to study the feasibility of both sides.
“We agree with that we need to expand the welfare programs. But we must take some lessons from failures European countries had faced,” Kang said in a media interview.
Outside the party, the ruling GNP, which has recently suggested “selective welfare,” expanding the beneficiaries to bottom 70 percent of the income bracket, sneered at the DP.
Hong Joon-pyo, the party’s floor leader, degraded the plan as anachronistic and idealistic. “The DP’s plan will create tax bombs,” he said.
“If DP really wants the plan that bad, the party should have executed it 10 years ago, when it was the ruling party,” said Rep. Shim Jae-chul.
“Younger generations, who will have to support the aging society, will be heavily burdened once again,” he said.
The Presidential Council for Future and Vision on Friday suggested to President Lee Myung-bak that making a fine balance between universal and selective welfares is needed. “Welfare should not be a subject of populism,” said Kwak Seung-jun, president of the council.
Korea- Childbirths grow for 9th month in Nov.- 2011-01-24
According to the report by Statistics Korea, the number of babies born in November was about 41,200, up 17 percent or 6,000 from the same month a year earlier.
The latest figure marked the ninth consecutive on-year growth since last March. It is also the third straight month that the number has exceeded the 40,000 mark, the report showed.
“The increase in childbirth can be attributed to relatively fast-improving economic conditions, which resulted in more marriages and encouraged couples to have more babies as well,” an official of the statistics agency said.
The November figures brought the total number of baby births during the first 11 months of last year to around 434,100, up 5.6 percent from a year ago, the report showed.
The increase comes amid concerns here that Korea’s relatively low birthrate could undercut the nation’s long-term growth and raise welfare expenses.
The ongoing economic recovery also helped more couples tie the knot in the cited month.
The report said that the number of newlyweds came to 30,200 in November, up 12.3 percent from the same month a year earlier.
Between January and November, the total number of marriages stood at 288,400, up 5.4 percent from a year ago.
Divorces rose 6.9 percent to 10,800 last November, while death totaled 22,000, up 4.3 percent from a year earlier, according to the report.
In a separate report, the statistics agency said that a total of 727,000 people changed their official residency in December, down 2.1 percent from the same month a year earlier.
(Yonhap News)
Korea- ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ๊ฒฝ์์ฒด์ ๊ฐ ๋ฅ๋์ ๋ณต์ง์ธ๊ฐ?- 2008/11/11
์ด๋ช
๋ฐ ์ ๋ถ, ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด๊น์ง ์ ๊ถ์ ์ฐํ๊ธฐ๊ด์ผ๋ก ๋ง๋ค์ด ํต์ ํ๋ คํด
์์๋ฏธ ์์์ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ฒ ์ ๋ถ๊ฐ์ ๋ฒ๋ฅ ์ ํ๊ธฐ๋ผ์ผ ๋ง๋
ํด
์ง๋ 6์ผ ํ๋๋ผ๋น ์์๋ฏธ ์์์ด ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ฒ ์ ๋ถ๊ฐ์ ๋ฒ๋ฅ ์(์์๋ฒํธ 1789)์ ๋ฐ์ํ์๋ค. ์ด๋ช ๋ฐ ์ ๋ถ์ ๋ณด๊ฑด๋ณต์ง๊ฐ์กฑ๋ถ(์ดํ ๋ณต์ง๋ถ)๋ฅผ ๋์ ํ์ฌ ๋ฐ์ํ ๊ฒ์ด ๊ณต์ง์ ์ฌ์ค์ธ ์ด ๋ฒ์์ “์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ์น์ธ์ ๋๋ฅผ ํตํด ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ์์ฅ์ ๊ฒฝ์๊ณผ ๋ค์ํ๋ฅผ ๊พํจ์ผ๋ก์จ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ์ ํ์ฑํ๋ฅผ ์ด์งํ๊ธฐ ์ํจ”์ด๋ผ๊ณ ๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์ ์ทจ์ง๋ฅผ ๋ฐํ๊ณ ์๋ค. ๊ทธ๋ฌ๋ ์ด๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ๋ฅ๋์ ๋ณต์ง ํ์์ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ณต์ง์ฌ์์ ์ ๊ถ์ ์๋๋๋ก ํต์ ํ๊ฒ ๋ค๋ ๋ฐ์์ ๋ค๋ฆ ์๋๋ฉฐ, ์ฌ๊ธฐ์ ๋ํ์ฌ ๊ทธ๊ฐ ์ ๋ถ๋ก๋ถํฐ ๋ ๋ฆฝ์ ์ง์๋ฅผ ๊ฐ๊ณ ์์จ์ ์ผ๋ก ์ด์๋์ด ์จ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ(์ดํ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ)์ ๋ํ ๊ธธ๋ค์ด๊ธฐ์ ์ฑ๊ฒฉ์ ๋ด๊ณ ์๋ค. ์ฐธ์ฌ์ฐ๋ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง์์ํ(์์์ฅ: ๊น์ข ํด ๊ฐํจ๋ฆญ๋ ๊ต์)๋ ์ด๋ช ๋ฐ ์ ๋ถ๊ฐ ์ฝ์ํ ๋ฅ๋์ ๋ณต์ง๋ฅผ ์คํํ๊ธฐ ์ํ ์์ฐ์ ํ๋ณดํ์ง ์์ ์ฑ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ์ ํด์ฒด์ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ํต์ ์ ์ด์ ์ฌ๋ฆฌ๋ ์ ๋ถ์ ํ๋๋ผ๋น์ ๊ทํํ๋ฉฐ, ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ์์ฅ ์ง์์ ์ปค๋ค๋ ์๊ณก๊ณผ ํดํ์ ๊ฐ์ ธ์ฌ ์ด๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ์์ง ์ฒ ํ๋ฅผ ์ด๊ตฌํ๋ค.
๊ฐ์ ์์ ๋ณต์์ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ํตํด ๊ตญ๋ฏผ์ ๊ธฐ๋ถ ์ ํ๊ถ์ ๋ณด์ฅํ๊ณ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ์์ฅ์ ํ์ฑํ๋ฅผ ๊พํ๋ ๊ฒ์ ํต์ฌ์ผ๋ก ํ๊ณ ์์ผ๋ฉฐ, ์ด๋ฅผ ์ํด ๋ณต์ง๋ถ ์ฐํ์ ์ฐจ๊ด์ด ์์์ฅ์ธ ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์์ํ๋ฅผ ์ค์นํ์ฌ ์ด๋ค ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ๋ํ ์ง์ , ํ๊ฐ ๋ฐ ์ง์ ๊ธฐ๋ฅ์ ํ๋๋ก ํ๊ณ ์๋ค. ๋ํ ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ดํํ๋ฅผ ๋์ด ์ด๋ค ๊ธฐ๊ด๊ฐ์ ๋ชจ๊ธ์ก์ ๋ฐฐ๋ถ ๋ฐ ์กฐ์ , ๋ชจ๊ธ์ ์ ๋ฌธ์ง์ ๊ฐ๋ฐ, ์ข ์ฌ์ ํ๋ จ ๋ฑ์ ํํ๋๋ก ํ๋ ๋ฑ ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ์ง๋ฐฐ๊ตฌ์กฐ์ ์ด์์ ๋ํ ์์ธํ ๊ท์ ์ ๋๊ณ ์๋ค. ๊ทธ๋ฌ๋ ์ด ๊ฐ์ ์์ ๊น์์ผ ์ ๋ถ ๋ง๊ธฐ์ธ 1997๋ 4์ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๊ณ์ ์๋ฏผ์ฌํ๊ฐ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ์ ์๋ฐ์ ์ฑ๊ธ์ ๋ํ ์ ๋ถ์ ํต์ ์ ๊ด๋ฆฌ๊ถ์ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ์๊ฒ ๋๋๋ ค์ค๋ค๋ ๋ช ๋ถํ์ ๋ง๋ค์๋ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ฒ์ ์ค์ค๋ก ๋ค์๋ ์๊ฐ๋น์ฐฉ์ ๋ฒ์์ด๋ค. ์ต๊ทผ ๋ณต์ง๋ถ๋ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ์ 3์ฒ์ต ์์ ๊ฐ๊น์ด ๋ชจ๊ธ์ก์ ๋ํ ์ ๋ถ์ ์ํฅ๋ ฅ์ด ๊ฑฐ์ ์๋ค๋ ์ ์ ๋ํด ์ค์ค๋ก ๋ฌธ์ ๋ผ๊ณ ๊ท์ ํ๊ณ , ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๊ฐ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๊ธฐ๊ด์ผ๋ก์ ๊ฐ๊ฒ ๋๋ ์์ฌ๊ฒฐ์ ์์ ๋ถ๋ถ์ ์ค๋ฅ๋ฅผ ํ๋ํด์ํ์ฌ ์์ ๋ค์ ํต์ ๊ถ ๊ฐํ๋ฅผ ๊พธ์คํ ์๋ํด์๋ค. ์ด๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ์ด๋ช ๋ฐ ์ ๋ถ ์ถ๋ฒ ํ ํฝ์ฐฝํ๋ ๋ณต์ง์ฌ์ ์์๋ฅผ ๊ตญ๊ฐ์์ฐ๋ณด๋ค๋ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ์ ์ฌ์์ผ๋ก ๋์ฒดํ๋ ค๋ ๊ตญ๊ฐ๋ณต์ง ์ฑ ์์ ๋ฐฉ๊ธฐ๋ฅผ ๋ถ๋ช ํ๊ฒ ์๋ํ๊ณ ์๋ค. ๊ตญ๊ฐ ๊ฐ์ธ์ ์ฑ ์ ์ํ ๋ณต์ง์์ฐ์ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ์ผ๋ก ๋์ฒดํ๊ฒ ๋ค๋ ๊ฒ์ธ๊ฐ? ์ด๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ๋น์ฅ ์ฒ ํํด์ผ ๋ง๋ ํ๋ค.
์ด๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ๋ค์๊ณผ ๊ฐ์ ๋ฌธ์ ์ ์ ๋ถ๋ช ํ ๊ฐ์ง๊ณ ์๋ค. ์ฒซ์งธ, ์ด ๋ฒ์์ ์ ์ ๋ถํฐ๊ฐ ์๋ชป ๋์ด์๋ค. ๋ฒ์์ ์ง๊ธ๊น์ง ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ์ด ํ์ฑํ๋์ง ์์ ์ด์ ๊ฐ ๋ง์น ๊ฒฝ์์ฒด์ ๊ฐ ๋์ ๋์ง ์์ ๊ธฐ๋ถ์ ๋ํ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ์ ํ๊ถ์ด ํ๋ณด๋์ง ์๋ ๊ฒ์ผ๋ก ์ ์ ํ๊ณ ์์ผ๋ ์ด๋ฏธ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ์์ฅ์ ์ถฉ๋ถํ ๊ฒฝ์์ ์ด๋ฉฐ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ๋ค์ ๋งค์ผ ์์์ง๋ ๊ฐ์ข ๊ธฐ๋ถํ๋ณด๋ฌผ์ ๋ ธ์ถ๋์ด์๋ค. ๊ทธ๋ผ์๋ ๋ถ๊ตฌํ๊ณ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ์ 1์ธ๋น ์ฐ๊ฐ ๊ธฐ๋ถ์ก์ด 113๋ง์์ธ ๋ฐ๋ฉด ํ๊ตญ์ ์ฐ๊ฐ๊ธฐ๋ถ์ก์ด 10๋ง์ ์์ค์ผ๋ก 10๋ถ์ 1์๋ ๋ชป ๋ฏธ์น๋ ์ด์ ๋ ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด๊ฐ์ ๊ฒฝ์์ด ์ด๋ค์ง์ง ์์์๊ฐ ์๋๋ผ, ์์ง๋ ๊ธฐ๋ถ ๋ฐ๋ ๊ธฐ๊ด๋ค์ ๋ํ ์ฌํ์ ์ ๋ขฐ์ฑ์ด ์ ๊ณ ๋์ง ๋ชปํ๊ณ ์๊ธฐ ๋๋ฌธ์ด๋ค. 10๋ ์ ์ถ๋ฒ ๋น์ ์ฐ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ์ก 150์ต ์์์ 2007๋ 2,500์ต ์์ ๋ชจ๊ธ์ก์ ๊ธฐ๋กํ ๊ฐ์ฅ ๋ํ์ ์ด๊ณ , ๊ณต์ต์ ์ธ ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ํ๋์ธ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ์ ์ง์๋ฅผ ๋์ด๋ด๋ฆฌ๊ณ ๋น์ทํ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด๋ค์ ์์ฐํ๋ค๋ ๊ฒ์ ์๋ฌด๋ฐ ์ค์ต์ด ์๋ค.
๋์งธ, ์ด ๋ฒ์์ ์ ์ ๋ง์ด ์๋๋ผ ๊ทธ ํด๋ฒ ์ญ์ ์๋ชป๋์ด ์๋ค. ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ์น์ธ๊ณผ ํ๊ฐ ๋ฑ ๊ฐ๋ ์ ์ํด ๋ณต์ง๋ถ ์ฐํ์ ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์์ํ๋ฅผ ๋๊ณ 5๋ ๋ง๋ค ํ๊ฐํ๋ค๋ ๊ฒ์ ์ ๋ถ๊ฐ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ๋ํ ํต์ ๊ถ์ ๊ฐ๊ฒ ๋๋ค๋ ์ ์์ ๊ธฐ๊ด ์ด์์ ๋ ๋ฆฝ์ฑ๊ณผ ๋ฐฐ๋ถ์ ๊ณต์ ์ฑ์ ์ฌ๊ฐํ ๋ฌธ์ ๋ฅผ ์ผ๊ธฐํ๊ฒ ๋ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค. ๊ฒฐ๊ตญ ์ด๋ ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ๋ํ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ์ ๋ถ์ ๋ ๋ถ๋ฌ์ผ์ผํฌ ๊ฒ์ด ์๋ช ํ๋ค. ํนํ ํด๋ฐฉ ํ ๊ฑฐ์ 50๋ ๊ฐ ์กด์ฌํด ์๋ ‘๊ธฐ๋ถ๊ธํ๋ชจ์ง๊ท์ ๋ฒ’์ด ๊ทธ๋์ ๊ธฐ๋ถ๊ธ ๋ชจ์ง์ ๋ํ ์ ๋ถ์ ํต์ ๊ถ์ ํ์ฌํ ๋ํ์ ์ธ ์ ๋ฒ์ผ๋ก ์ฑํ ์ ๋์์ด ๋์ด ๊ฒจ์ฐ 2๋ ์ ์ ์ ๋ถ ๊ฐ์ ๋ ์ ์ ์๊ธฐํด๋ณด๋ฉด ์ด๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ๋ ๋ค๋ฅธ ๊ธฐ๋ถ๊ธํ๋ชจ์ง๊ท์ ๋ฒ์ ๋ถํ์ํค๋ ์ ๋ฒ์ด ๋ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค.
์ ์งธ, ์ด ๋ฒ์์ ์ง๋ 10๋ ๊ฐ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ์ ์์จ๊ธฐ๊ตฌ๋ก์ ์ด๋ ต๊ฒ ์ฑ์ฅํ๋ฉฐ ‘์ฌ๋์ ์ด๋งค’๋ฅผ ํตํด ๋ฐ์ ํด์จ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ์ ์ฑ๊ณผ๋ฅผ ํ๋ฃจ์์นจ์ ๋ถ๊ดด์ํค๋ ์ฐ๋ฅผ ๋ฒํ๊ณ ์๋ค. ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ ํ์ฌ ์ค์๋ณธ๋ถ์ 16๊ฐ์ ์งํ๋ฅผ ํตํด ์ฐ๋ฆฌ๋๋ผ ์ ์ฒด์ ์ง์ญ์ฌํ๋ฅผ ๋ํํ๋ ๊ฒฝ์ ๊ณ, ์ข ๊ต๊ณ, ๋ฒ์กฐ๊ณ, ์๋ฏผ์ฌํ๊ณ, ํ๊ณ ๋ฑ์ ๋ช ์ฌ๋ค๊ณผ ์ ๋ฌธ๊ฐ๋ค ์์ฒ ๋ช ์ด ์์๋ด์ฌ์ ํํ๋ก ๊ฒฐํฉ๋์ด์๋ ์์๋ฏผ๊ฐ ์์จ์ ๋ชจ๊ธ ๋ฐ ๋ฐฐ๋ถ๊ธฐ๊ด์ด๋ค. ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ ์์ธ๋๊ณ ๊ณ ํต ๋ฐ๋ ์ทจ์ฝ๊ณ์ธต์ ์ํด ๋ฏผ๊ฐ์ ์๋ฐ์ ๊ธฐ๋ถ๋ฅผ ์ด๋ฐ์์ผ ์ง๋ 10๋ ๊ฐ 15๋ฐฐ๋ ๋ชจ๊ธ์ก์ ์ ์ฅ์์ผฐ๊ณ , ๊ณต์ ํ๊ณ ํฌ๋ช ํ ์ ์ฐจ๋ฅผ ํตํด ํฐ ์ก์ ์์ด ๊ธฐ๋ถ์ก์ ๋ฐฐ๋ถํด ์จ ๊ฒ์ด ์ฃผ์ง์ ์ฌ์ค์ด๋ค. ๊ทธ๋ฌ๋ ์ด๋ช ๋ฐ ์ ๋ถ๋ ์ฐํ๊ธฐ๊ด๋ ์๋ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ์ ํ์ฅ๊ณผ ์ฌ๋ฌด์ด์ฅ์ ์ฌํด์ํค๋ ค ํ๊ณ , ๊ฒฐ๊ตญ ๊ตญ๊ฐ์ธ๊ถ์์ํ๊ฐ ์ด์ ๋ถ๋นํจ์ ์ธ์ ํ๊ณ ๋ณต์ง๋ถ ์ฑ ์์์ ๋ํ ์ง๊ณ๊ถ๊ณ ๊ฒฐ์ ์ ๋ด๋ฆฌ๋ ๋ฑ ๊ดํ ์ฐ์ฌ๊ณก์ ์ ํฉ์ธ๋ ธ์๋ค. ์ด๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ์ด ๊ฐ์ ์ ํฉ์ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ฅผ ๊ณ ์ฌ์ํค๊ฑฐ๋ ๊ธธ๋ค์ด๊ธฐ ์ํ ๋ชฉ์ ์ผ๋ก ๋ฐ์๋ ๊ฒ์ด ์๋๊ฐ ํ๋ ์๊ตฌ์ฌ์ ๊ฐ๊ฒ ํ๋ค. ๋ง์ผ ๊ทธ๋ ๋ค๋ฉด ์ด๋ ์ฐ๋ฆฌ๋๋ผ์ ๊ธฐ๋ถ๋ฌธํ๋ฅผ ๋ฐ์ ์ํค๊ณ , ๊ทธ ์ฑ๊ณผ๊ฐ ์๋ฆฌ ์ก๊ธธ ์ผ์ํด ์จ ๊ทธ๊ฐ์ ์ฌํ์ ๋ ธ๋ ฅ์ ์์ ํ ๋ฌด์ฐ์ํค๋ ์์ฒญ๋ ์ค๋ฅ๋ฅผ ์ ์ง๋ฅด๋ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค.
๋ท์งธ, ์ด ๋ฒ์์ ๊ธ์กฐ๋ ํ์ธ์ง ์กฐ์ ํจ๊ณผ ๋ถ์ ์ ํ ๋ด์ฉ๊น์ง ๋ด๊ณ ์๋ค. ์ฐ์ ๊ธฐ์กด์ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ์ ์ ์ฉ๋๋ ์ด์ฌํ ๋ฐ ๋ถ๊ณผ์์ํ ๊ตฌ์ฑ, ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ณผ ๋ฐฐ๋ถ์ ๋ํ ๊ท์ ์ ํฅํ ์์์ด ํ์ํ ๋ชจ๋ ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ์ ์ฉํ๊ณ ์๋ค. ์ด๋ก ์ธํด ๊ตญ๋ฏผ๋ค์ ์ ๊ฐ๊ธฐ ์ด์๋๋ ์๋ง์ ๋ ๋ค๋ฅธ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ค์ ๋๋ฆฝ์์ ์ค๋ ํผ๋์ ์ง๋ฉดํ ์๋ฐ์ ์๋ค. ์ฆ, ์ฐ๋ง์ด๋ฉด ์๋ง์ ๊ธฐ๊ด๋ค์ด ‘์ฌ๋์ ์ด๋งค’, ‘์ฌ๋์ ๊ฝ(?)’, ‘์ฌ๋์ ๋๋ฌด(?)’ ๋ฑ์ ๋ด์ธ์ ์ ๋ฌธ๊ณผ TV์ ๋์ ๊ฒฝ์์ ์ผ๋ก ๊ธฐ๋ถํด ์ค ๊ฒ์ ์๊ตฌํ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค. ๋ํ 8์ 31์ผ์ด๋ฉด ์๋ง์ ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด๋ค์ด ์ผ์ ํ ์ฌ์ ๊ณต๊ณ ๋ฅผ ๋ด์ด ์ํ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ์ ์ฅ์์ ํ๋๋ง์ ๋ฐฐ๋ถ ํญํ์ ๋ง๊ฒ ํจ์ผ๋ก์จ ์์์ ์ธ ์ฌ์ ์งํ์ ์ฐจ์ง์ด ๋น์ด์ง ๊ฒ์ด๋ค. ๋ํ ์ด๋ค ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด๋ค๋ง๋ค 1๋ช ์ ํ์ฅ, 3๋ช ์ ๋ถํ์ฅ, 12๋ช ์ด์ ๊ฐ๊ณ๋ํ๊ฐ ๊ณ ๋ฅด๊ฒ ํฌํจ๋ ์ด์ฌ, ๊ทธ๋ฆฌ๊ณ 4๊ฐ ๋ถ๊ณผ์ 80๋ช ์ด์์ ์์๋ค์ ํ๋ณดํ ๊ฑฐ๋ํ ์กฐ์ง์ด ๊พธ๋ ค์ง๊ฒ ๋จ์ผ๋ก์จ ์๋ง๋ ์ธ๋ ฅ๋์ ๊ฒช๋ ์งํ๊ฒฝ๊น์ง ๋ณผ ์ ์๊ฒ ๋์ด์๋ค.
๋ค์ฏ์งธ, ๊ฐ์ ์์ ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ดํํ๋ผ๋ ์ฅ์์ฅ ๊ตฌ์กฐ๋ฅผ ๋ง๋ค์ด ์ ๋ถ๊ฐ ์ฌ์ ์ ๋ถ๋ดํ๋๋ก ํจ์ผ๋ก์จ ์ด ํํ์ ํ์ฅ๊ณผ ์์, ์ฌ๋ฌด๊ตญ์ ์ด์ํ๋ ๋ฐ์ ๊ตญ๊ณ ๋ฅผ ๋ญ๋นํ๋ฉฐ ์ด ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ํตํด ์์์ ์ธ ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ๋ํ ๊ฐ์ญ๊ณผ ํต์ ๋ฅผ ๋์ ํ๋ ค๋ ๋ ธ๋ฆผ์๊น์ง ๋๊ณ ์๋ค. ๊ฐ์ ์์ ๋น์ฉ์ถ๊ณ์์ ๋ฐ๋ฅด๋ฉด ์ ๋ถ๋ ์ต์ํ ์ด๊ธฐ์ค์น์ ํ์ํ ์๋๋ฃ ๋ฑ 2์ต ์, ์ ๋ฌธ๋ชจ๊ธ๊ธฐ๊ดํํ ์ด์์ 3์ต7์ฒ๋ฐฑ๋ง์ ๋ฑ์ด ์์๋๋ค๊ณ ์ค์ค๋ก ๋ฐํ๊ณ ์์ผ๋ ์ด ์ ๋๋ก ๊ทธ์น ์ฌ์์ด ์๋์ ๋ถ ๋ณด๋ฏ ๋ปํ๋ค. ์ด๋ ์ฌ์ ์ ํจ์จ์ฑ์ ๊ฐ์กฐํ๋ ํ ์ ๋ถ์ ๊ธฐ์กฐ์๋ ๋ฐฐ์น๋๋ ์ผ์ด ์๋ ์ ์๋ค.
๊ฒฐ๋ก ์ ์ผ๋ก ์ด๋ฒ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ๋ณต์ง๋ถ๊ฐ ์ค๋ซ๋์ ๊ฟ๊ฟ์จ ๋๋ก ์ฐจ์ ์ ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ฅผ ์ฐํ๊ธฐ๊ดํ ํ๊ฒ ๋ค๋ ์์ง์๊ณผ, ๋ฏผ๊ฐ์ฌ์์ ๋์์ผ๋ก ๊ตญ๊ฐ์ฌ์ ํฌ์ฌ์ฑ ์์ ๋์ ํ๊ณ ๋์์ ์ฝ๋์ธ์ฌ๊ฐ ๊ด์ฒ ๋์ง ๋ชปํ ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ๋ํ ๊ธธ๋ค์ด๊ธฐ๋ฅผ ์๋ํ๋ ค๋ ์์ง์์ด ํฉ์ณ์ง ์ ๋ฒ์ด๋ฉฐ ์กธ์์ด๋ค. ์ฐธ์ฌ์ฐ๋ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง์์ํ๋ ์ด๋ฌํ ๋ถ์ํ ๋๊ธฐ์ ์๋ชป๋ ๋ด์ฉ์ผ๋ก ๊ฐ๋ํ ๋ฒ๋ฅ ์ด ํต๊ณผ๋์ด ์ด์ ๋ง ํผ์ด๋๋ ๊ธฐ๋ถ๋ฌธํ์ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ๊ธฐ๊ด์ ์์จ์ ์์ฌ๊ฒฐ์ ๊ตฌ์กฐ์ ์ ์ฐฉ, ๊ทธ๋ฆฌ๊ณ ๋ฌด์๋ณด๋ค๋ ๊ตญ๊ฐ์์ฐ์ด ์๋ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ์ฌ์ ํฌ์ฌ๋ฅผ ํตํ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๊ธฐ๊ด์ ์์จ์ ์ฌ์ ์งํ ๋ฑ์ ๊ธ์ ์ ํจ๊ณผ๋ฅผ ๋ฌด๋ ฅํํ๋ ์ผ์ ์ ๋ ์ผ์ด๋์๋ ์ ๋๋ค๋ ์ ์ ๋ถ๋ช ํ ํ๋ ๋ฐ์ด๋ค. ์คํน ๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๊ฐ ๋ฏผ๊ฐ์ ์์จ์ ์ด์๊ณผ์ ์์ ๋ํ๋ ์ ์๋ ์ค๋ฅ๊ฐ ์๋ค๋ฉด ํํ ๋ฒ ํ์์๋ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๋ฒ์ธ์ ๋ํด ๊ฐ๊ณ ์๋ ๋ณต์ง๋ถ์ ๊ธฐ๋ณธ์ ์ธ ๊ฐ๋ ๊ถ๊ณผ ์ด์ฌ ํด์๊ถ, ๊ทธ๋ฆฌ๊ณ ๊ฐ์ฌ์์ ๊ฐ์ฌ๊ถ, ์ฌ์ง์ด๋ ๊ตญํ์ ๊ตญ์ ๊ฐ์ฌ๊ถ ๋ฑ์ ํตํด ์ถฉ๋ถํ ๊ฐ๋ฅํ๋ค.
18๋ ๊ตญํ ๋ณด๊ฑด๋ณต์ง๊ฐ์กฑ์์ํ๋ ์ด์ ์ฒซ ๊ตญ์ ๊ฐ์ฌ๋ฅผ ๋๋ด๊ณ , ์์ฐ์ฌ์ ๋ฐ ๋ฒ๋ฅ ์ฌ์์ ๋ณธ๊ฒฉ์ ์ผ๋ก ์ ์ด๋ ๋ค. ๊ฒฝ์ ์๊ธฐ๋ก ์ธํด ๋ํ์ ๋น ์ง ๊ตญ๋ฏผ๋ค์ ์ํด ์๋ง์ ์ ๋์ ๋ณด์์ด ์ ์คํ๊ฒ ์๊ตฌ๋๋ ๋ง๋น์ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๊ณต๋๋ชจ๊ธํ๋ฒ ์ ๋ถ๊ฐ์ ์๊ณผ ๊ฐ์ ๋ฒ์ ์ฌ์ํ๋๋ฐ ์ธ๋ฐ์๋ ๋ ธ๋ ฅ์ ๋ญ๋นํ๋ ๊ฒ์ 18๋ ๊ตญํ์ ๊ฑธ์๋ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ๋ค์ ๊ธฐ๋๋ฅผ ์ ๋ฒ๋ฆฌ๋ ์ผ์ด ์๋ ์ ์๋ค. ํนํ ํ๋๋ผ๋น ์์๋ฏธ ์์์ ๋๊ณ ๋๊ณ ์ฌํ๋ณต์ง๊ณ์ ์ค์ ์ ๋จ๊ธด ์์์ผ๋ก ๊ธฐ๋ก๋์ง ์๊ธฐ ์ํด์๋ผ๋ ๋ณธ ๊ฐ์ ์์ ์ฒ ํํ๋ ๊ฒ์ด ๋ค๋ฆ๊ฒ๋๋ง ์ต์ ์ ์ ํ์ด๋ ์ ์ ๋ช ์ฌํด์ผ ํ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค.
Korea- GNP to push for constitutional revision committee- 2011-01-27
The Grand National Party’s internal discussion about revising the Constitution to allow the president to seek re-election has recently gained momentum. President Lee Myung-bak raised the need to change the current single five-year presidency law and other parts of the Constitution so it can reflect times on important issues such as basic rights and gender equality.
“By law, the parliament is required to convene an extraordinary session on the first day of every second month,” GNP floor leader Kim Moo-sung said during a high-level policy consultation meeting between the party and the government.
“So we are going to submit a request for the convention on Friday to start a month-long extraordinary session from Feb. 1,” Kim said.
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Rep. Lee Koon-hyon of the ruling Grand National Party delivers an opening address during a forum on constitutional revision at the National Assembly on Thursday. (Yonhap News) |
The meeting was held at the prime minister’s official residence and attended by 19 senior party officials, including Chairman Ahn Sang-soo and Kim, Prime Minister Kim Hwang-sik, 14 Cabinet ministers and five presidential aides.
The GNP floor leader predicted that such contentious issues as the opposition’s “populist” welfare drive, inflation, soaring housing rental costs and the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease will dominate the February session.
Constitutional revision can also become a hot issue, he added. (Yonhap News)
Korea- Corporations donate to CCK even as public holds back- 2011-01-30
But while much of the public shunned the charity, major conglomerates such as Samsung Group, POSCO and LG Group donated large sums of money just weeks after the scandal erupted.
Both Samsung and POSCO defended their donations recently, while LG declined to comment. Another major conglomerate who donated to the CCK defended its donation but refused to be named. According to the CCK, for the last five years 65 percent of donations have been corporate, with the rest coming from the general public.
A spokesman for POSCO, which along with its affiliates made an end of year donation of 10 billion won ($8.97 million) to the CCK, cited the resignation of its leadership and the impact that withholding the money would have on the poor as reasons for donating as usual. He also said there was a lack of alternative charities to give to.
Although there are other charities in Korea, the CCK is the only one which is state-endorsed and acts as an umbrella group that gives to other worthy organizations.
Other smaller charities were also hit by misappropriation scandals, affecting public trust in charities generally. Even scandal-free charities, such as the Salvation Army, also reported a drop in donations.
A Samsung spokesman who spoke on condition of anonymity said the group had waited until the resignation of the CCK leadership before giving its 20 billion won donation before Christmas and added that donations have been part of its yearly schedule since 2004.
“We thought it was the right timing. ... We waited for a while to see the end of the corruption issue,” the spokesman said.
The spokesman said the group was not in a position to comment on the fact that 55 percent of CCK’s staff had been punished for misconduct.
In the first 10 days of its yearend campaign, the CCK collected 6 billion won ― down a staggering 42.6 billion won from the same period the previous year. As of Dec. 31, individual donations had gone down about 18 percent, from 55.6 billion won to 45.8 billion won.
The CCK pointed out that over the course of the year donations rose about 7 billion won from 2009 to 338 billion won last year. The period covered by this figure, however, is mostly before the scandal hit.
An inspection by the Ministry of Health and Welfare in mid October found that officials at provincial offices of South Korea’s only government-backed charity had misappropriated up to 700 million won in donations. Donations had been misused for drinks, karaoke, skiing and other illegitimate expenses.
The CCK’s entire leadership, including chairman Yoon Byung-chul, resigned as a result of the scandal. New CCK chairman Lee Dong-gun, who is a former chairman of Rotary International, a humanitarian organization, pledged to reform the charity and regain the public trust upon taking his post last December. Lee is known for his efforts in fighting polio and illiteracy in impoverished countries.
An LG spokesperson said it was inappropriate for the company to answer questions as a donor, adding, “Please understand that those are very sensitive questions for us.” The company gave 10 billion won to the CCK in December.
Another major conglomerate said that it considered the issue largely resolved since the resignation of the CCK leadership and no concerns about future misuse of finds.
“The donations were made after the situation had been addressed, and as far as we are aware Samsung and others did the same,” a spokesman said, insisting on anonymity for the company.
“Immediately after the scandal the CCK was in disarray and they are said to have experienced difficulties in fund raising, but once the new chairman was selected, much of related issues are considered to have been solved ... we have no reservations or concerns that the funds may be inappropriately used. If we had, the donations would not have been made,” he added.
A spokesman for the CCK this week told The Korea Herald that a number of major reforms had been introduced to prevent future corruption at the charity, including a “one strike and you’re out” policy for employees who take bribes or misuse funds.
The CCK also said it is now authorized to impose fines of up to three times the amount of any money misappropriated and will establish a civil watchdog committee. Further, it has revised its Code of Ethics to guide employees on fundraising in a “transparent and honest manner.”
“Further actions that can help our reformation will be evaluated, and all necessary actions will be strongly implemented to improve the level of public trust,” said new chairman Lee.
Japan- [Editorial] Lessons from Japan- 2011-01-30
Japan’s public debt is expected to hit 204 percent of GDP this year, the world’s highest ratio. The liabilities are forecast to surpass 1,000 trillion yen next year and, according to the International Monetary Fund, could shoot up to 247 percent of GDP in 2014.
The staggering debt burden is a legacy of massive government spending in the 1990s. Following the burst of a huge property bubble, the Tokyo government chose to keep the economy afloat through monetary easing and increased fiscal spending instead of undergoing the painful process of restructuring financial institutions mired in bad debts and insolvent corporations.
To make matters worse, the Democratic Party of Japan, which took power in September 2009, increased budget sharply to introduce new welfare programs it promised to voters. This expanded the budget deficit, forcing the government to issue more bonds to cover it.
The problem is that the fiscal situation is likely to worsen down the road as population aging will accelerate. Because of the rapid graying of the population, Japan’s welfare spending is bound to automatically grow by 1 trillion yen each year. But Japan’s younger generations have started to decrease in number, meaning Japan’s welfare system has become unsustainable.
But the DPJ government has no will to reform it. Prime Minister Naoto Kan vowed on Friday to push ahead with tax reforms to curb public debt growth, but few believe he would be able to bring the debt problem under control. S&P has pointed out that the DPJ government has no “coherent” debt strategy.
Japan’s fiscal mess is something that Korea cannot look on with indifference. Korea’s pace of population aging is even faster than Japan’s. Policymakers need to study Japan’s experience carefully to avoid falling into a similar trouble. These days, Korean politicians are competitively proposing populist welfare plans. To see the inevitable consequences of such reckless schemes, they need look no further than Japan.
Korea- Lee urges nations’ fair, responsible role over nukes- 01-03-2011
Korea moving forward to mature welfare state
Director of the Korea Economic Institute in America
Korea's welfare system has developed over the past 40 years from a bare structure to a relatively comprehensive social welfare program. After the Korean War ended in 1953, the government and the general public were focused on rebuilding the nation and pursued economic development.
At that time, the nation's GDP was a mere $80, and most Koreans lived in absolute poverty. People worked hard without any social protection. The topic of social welfare was never on the government's policy agenda.
It became a political issue when the military government took office in the 1960s. The government tried to gain public support by promising a series of social reforms to improve the lives of ordinary citizens. Many of the social welfare programs were adopted as a basic principle of the country's constitution, but only a few were implemented.
The nation failed to make any significant improvement, as policymakers continued to be preoccupied with economic growth. In the wake of the Asian financial crisis in 1997 the country was forced to restructure and strengthen its existing social welfare programs.
The demand for welfare increased significantly. This in turn changed the welfare structure, together with expansion in welfare expenditure. Social welfare issues became a critical and urgent policy agenda for the first time in Korea's history.
Social insurance policy
Social insurance is a welfare program which secures financial support for a time of little or no income, the disabled, old age, and death. Korea's insurance programs are financed by contributions from employers, employees, and the government. The framework of the Korean welfare system was completed through a series of welfare reforms under President Kim Dae-jung, who took office in 1998 in the midst of the financial crisis of 1997. The government has extended the existing four social insurance programs to the entire nation and/or to all of the working population: worker's compensation, health insurance, pension program and unemployment insurance.
(1) The first significant social welfare program in Korea was the Industrial Accident Insurance program introduced in 1963. During the time of industrialization, this program provided social protection for industrial workers in companies with 500 or more employees. The law gradually expanded to cover companies with 200 or more workers by 1965 and more than 50 in 1969. At present, firms with more than one regular employee can join the program.
(2) The National Health Insurance law was passed in 1963. This program started as a pilot project. Its content and the form later became the pillars of Korea's health care system. By 1977, coverage became compulsory, protecting employees of large industrial companies, public employees and private school teachers. In 1981, the coverage was extended to companies with more than 100 employees, and three years later firms with 16 or more workers were able to join the program. But the cost of health insurance was shared equally by employees and employers, so people without employers were not able to participate in the system. When the first democratically elected government came into power in 1988, it offered the National Health Insurance benefits to the entire population, including farmers and the self-employed. By 1989, nearly all Koreans had extended medical insurance coverage.
(3) The National Pension Scheme was introduced to provide all members of the general public with a guaranteed income upon retirement so that they could maintain a basic standard of living. The nation's first pension program was introduced in 1960, providing coverage for government employees. This was followed by coverage for military personnel in 1963 and for private school teachers in 1975. The system became compulsory in 1988, covering workplaces with 10 or more employees. The coverage was extended to workplaces with 5 or more employees by 1992 and subsequently to all full-time employees. In addition, there is a mandatory severance payment that is completely financed by employers. The minimum benefit is a single, lump sum payment equivalent to one month's salary per year of service. This payment is required to be paid out within 14 days of termination or retirement.
(4) The Unemployment Insurance System was adopted in 1995 when unemployment was relatively low. It has three main programs, including the Employment Stabilization Program, the Vocational Competency Development Program, and the Unemployment Benefit Programs. The main object was to provide financial support to workers during a time of unemployment and to promote employment through job training. All workers, except part-time employees, were covered under this benefit. This program was categorized into three main parts.
Social safety net and public assistance programs
Public Assistance is another form of welfare program that guarantees the basic livelihood of people. Korea's first public assistance program, "Livelihood Protection" was introduced in 1961 to primarily protect children, the elderly and the disabled. But it was severely criticized for the low-benefit level, unreasonable selection process, and other structural problems.
After the nation was hit hard by the financial crisis of 1997-98, the demand for public assistance escalated. The social impact of the crisis was most prominent in unemployment.
The unemployment rate skyrocketed from 2 percent in 1996 to 8 percent in the first quarter of 1999, and the nation's poverty rate doubled from the pre-crisis level.
The existing public assistance program was only able to cover 60 percent of the people in desperate need. The inadequate social safety net program in Korea could not handle the rising number of poor people.
At that time, the human rights movement became widespread in Korean society, shifting the emphasis from individual responsibility for welfare support to state responsibility.
The government extended the public assistance program by replacing the "Livelihood Protection" program with the "National Basic Livelihood Security Program" in 1999 and it was implemented from October 2000. This program guarantees, for the first time in Korea, the right to social security of its citizens and provides a minimum standard of living for every Korean.

Rising life expectancy and falling fertility rate
Korea's graying population is fast becoming the nation's number one social problem. With the advancement of medical technology, the average life expectancy has increased dramatically since 1950 (see Table 1). Aging was first noticed as a social problem in the 1970s, but it was not seriously considered until 2000 when the nation became an "aging society" when 7 percent of the total population was aged 65 or over. Korea is expected to become an "aged society" in 2018 when 14 percent of its population will be 65 or older and "super-aged" in 2026 when 20 percent of the total population will be elderly.
According to the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Family, the population in the 30-40 age bracket has been declining since 2006. By 2030, the average age in Korea will be 43 years old, up from 33 in 2000. Caring for the elderly is no longer a family issue but has become a social problem.
The government has been offering various incentives to employers to maintain older employees. It also tried to abolish barriers in the work places which hinder the hiring of elderly workers.
A range of programs and services were introduced to protect the safety of senior citizens.
The welfare budget to help aged Koreans has increased steadily. Since 1983, the government has been providing free health examinations for the disadvantaged older population, and the service was expanded to cover various geriatric diseases in 1992.
The program was further expanded in 1996 to include blood tests and x-ray examinations to screen for specific aged-related diseases, such as cancer.
Furthermore, the government has introduced long-term health care for the elderly, especially those suffering from chronic illness and age related ailments such as Alzheimer's disease.
Those who qualify can receive services such as in-home nursing care and admission to a long-term care facility at around 20 percent of the normal cost. Moreover, the country has launched a basic old-age pension program to help the elderly obtain pension benefits. The program is to offer up to 84,000 won in monthly payments to seniors aged 65 or over.
In addition, there are various senior discount programs available to provide the elderly with discounts on public transportation and admission to public facilities. Also, they receive a transportation allowance of around 10,000 won per month.
Declining population
The declining birth rate is another serious problem. The National Statistical Office reported that Korea's birth rate has plummeted from 5.6 in 1960 to 1.7 in 1995 and to 1.2 in 2009, far below the replacement rate of 2.1 and the lowest rate among OECD nations (see Table 2). If this rate continues to remain at 1.2, the nation's total population will decline rapidly from 2018.
This means that the nation will face a serious worker shortage as there will be fewer people in the labor market. Such a declining rate, combined with a rapidly aging population, is creating a new problem in Korean society, posing a threat to sustainable growth.
The Korean government has been introducing various policies to promote childbirth, such as offering financial incentives.
Companies have been offering birth bonuses and child rearing support to join in with the government to help boost the nation's worryingly low birth rate.
Most women said that the low rate is fundamentally caused by unfavorable working conditions, especially for married women. Despite the increase in women's economic participation, a return to work after giving birth is not guaranteed.
Women therefore have difficulties in deciding whether to have a baby. A survey by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs in March 2006 revealed that more than half of pregnant working women experienced difficulties in securing their career.
The government is working together with private companies to extend maternity leave benefits and provide flexible hours to working mothers. Previously, many women were reluctant to take advantage of these benefits in fear of being fired or forced to retire from work.
Despite the increase in the total number of childcare facilities from 9,085 to 28,367 during the period from 1995-2005, a shortage in childcare facilities that parents can trust still inhibits married couples from having children.
The Ministry of Gender Equality and Family has announced that its top priority is to strengthen the existing child care policy. At a time when the low fertility rate is becoming a serious social issue, child care policies must be addressed. Recent data indicated that only 15 percent of families with a child aged 1 year or younger has access to child care facilities.
First rate welfare system
Social welfare programs are designed to seek social integration. As Korea achieved economic success, people started to pay more attention to their quality of life and to help the disadvantaged. Since the 1990s, the Korean welfare system has undergone significant changes.
Social welfare expenditure has increased significantly due to the introduction of many new programs and the expansion of the coverage of existing ones.
Social welfare spending has increased by an average of 10.8 percent over the last five years, 2.2 times higher than the OECD average of 4.9 percent. The welfare budget as a percentage of total government spending increased from 14.3 percent in 1987 to 27.9 percent in 2006. This year so far the government has allocated 81 trillion won for social welfare, up 8.9 percent from 2009.
The current administration has made the social welfare program a national priority and laid out a foundation for the lifetime well-being of all citizens.
Policymakers have been tasked to stabilize the financial soundness of the National Health Insurance System while establishing a dependable basic social safety net program.
They will prioritize the policy agenda to guarantee a comfortable life after retirement for the elderly, as well as disabled individuals.
It is true that Korea's welfare budget is still low compared to that of other developed nations. But the nation has come a long way from the ashes of the Korean War to become the 15th largest economy in the world.
Along the way, policymakers recognized the need to implement various social programs to guarantee the welfare of the people. The nation's four significant insurance systems รข€• workmen's compensation, health insurance, the pension program and unemployment insurance รข€• currently covers its entire population.
Some of these programs are more advanced than other developed countries, for example, the universal health care system. Furthermore, the country guarantees the basic livelihood of all Koreans.
The policymakers have introduced laws to protect the disadvantaged. Korea has made a major improvement in the nation's welfare programs following the financial crisis. If the past is any indication, there is no doubt that the nation will continue to progress to a mature welfare state.
Korea- 'Dynamic' Welfare State- 03-16-2010
Hundreds of politicians, academics and civic and labor activists met Monday under the cause of turning Korea into a welfare state. Foreigners, especially Westerners, might find this seemingly abrupt move long overdue. But the truth is, the world's 14th largest economy has never been a welfare state as industrial countries see it, even less a ``dynamic" one, as the organizers of the new movement mean it.
A good indicator of where Korea stands in welfare issues is the ongoing political debate over the school-meal system. President Lee Myung-bak and his conservative supporters brush aside the opposition's calls for free school lunch as ``socialist" and ``populist" claims. This shows their concept of welfare is based on such outdated modifiers as ``beneficent" and ``selective." In most industrial countries, however, free lunch is just part of free education, which the governments should guarantee their peoples as ``basic" and ``universal" rights.
Little wonder that less than 15 percent of Korean students are ``benefitting" from free meals, while the comparable ratios are nearly 100 percent in Western European nations of social democracy, and well over 50 percent even in the United States and Britain, the so-called bastions of neo-liberalistic capitalism.
Even the previous two liberal administrations adhered to this ``static" notion of welfare based on the Anglo-American economic model of globalization and unlimited competition, failing to keep the income gap from widening further among the people and losing in major elections. And this means how difficult it would be to enlighten voters of what genuine welfare is supposed to be, in this country where even low-income brackets support the Lee administration's tax cuts for wealthy property holders, believing in the ``trickle down" effect, which has long proved to be almost non-existent, both here and abroad.
Moreover, as seen in President Lee's ``worker-friendly" policy and his conservative archrival Park Geun-hye's ``welfare Korea" catchy phrase, the center-rightist camps have preempted the welfare slogans while the left-of-center parties were reeling under the aftermath of election defeats not even knowing what exactly has gone wrong ― in terms of economic ideology and its practices.
So it was right for the advocates of the new movement to place focus not just on welfare but on broader economic policies, such as taxation, fiscal operation and corporate regulations. Without changing fundamental economic and social structure, there are clear limitations to the incumbent government's worker-friendly policy, as shown by the failures of some initial examples. For instance, the long-term lending program for college students have already turned another source of usurious income for banks, while the micro-credit system is too far away from those who need it most because of too high a threshold for the working poor.
What matters is how to link the welfare to economic dynamism. There is too much truth to ignore in the adage, ``the provision of jobs is the best welfare policy." This means the new movement's success lies in whether it can create a ``dynamic welfare society," in which production, not finance, plays a central role and welfare is closely connected to production, working to sharply improve distribution and continue to create productive demand from within the system.
And the forthcoming local elections will be a good starting place to present at least some concrete alternatives to turn the new manifesto into reality.
Korea- Passion over welfare- 01-19-2011
When Prime Minister Kim Hwang-shik took office last October, it wasn’t really the confirmation hearings that landed him in hot water.
It was his comment about how the subway shouldn’t be free to citizens who are over 65 years old, as it is now. His comment instantly drew a public backlash, and he quickly expressed regret for making it.
Some political insiders believed that Kim, a former chief of the Board of Audit and Inspection, was speaking from the perspective of one who knew the subway was running up a deficit.
But Korea currently lacks a social safety net; there is no broad U.S.-type social security benefit. Thus, a free subway ride for citizens 65 years and older provides a way for most of these people who have retired to get around and be active. Thus, the idea of some free public service, albeit small, is naturally receptive with the majority of the populace.
In the political realm, the main opposition Democratic Party (DP) is construed as having won big in last year’s June 2 local elections when it came out with a proposal to provide free lunches for elementary and middle school children.
This year, the DP has come up with a package of providing not only free lunches at schools, but the proposal to cut the amount patients have to pay in medical fees for treatment and hospitalization down to 10 percent from the current 40 percent and provide free childcare for children up to 5 years old.
It also proposes halving college tuition, with assistance from the government. Sohn Hak-kyu, DP chairman has said that “the ultimate goal of welfare is that (people) are treated equally and with dignity.”
The governing Grand National Party (GNP) has been criticizing the DP for raising the specter of populism. But the GNP has put forth welfare benefit proposals, too.
The party’s frontrunner for its presidential candidacy, former party chairwoman Park Geun-hye, has declared that the welfare policy will be her bread-and-butter issue for the next presidential election in December 2012. “I’d like to propose a preemptive, sustainable and integrated welfare system that can produce tangible results for the people,” Park said in a speech.
GNP Chairman Ahn Sang-soo has also vouched for expanding welfare benefits to cover about 70 percent (excluding the top 30 percent of high-income) of households.
Thus, the need for expansion of welfare benefits is a common denominator in Korea. Among the member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Korea’s welfare level was among the lowest.
Korea spent 7.5 percent on public welfare spending in comparison to its gross domestic product in 2009. That figure comes to less than half of the average spending on public welfare, or 19.3 percent of other OECD nations. The difference seems a matter of scope for the two major parties. Of course, we cannot ignore the political factor in here. The DP is expected to seek a policy-based coalition along with minor parties.
But as the old but true saying goes, there is no such thing as a free lunch. The DP estimates that about 8.1 trillion won will be needed to provide free medical care; 4.1 trillion won for free child care; and 1 trillion won for free school lunches and 3.2 trillion won for college tuition assistance.
The government and the governing party beg to differ, saying that the DP figures are too modest for its grand scheme.
Individual Koreans might feel that they are already paying too much tax, but increased welfare benefits invariably will mean a bigger tax burden. As Korean society rapidly ages, the burden may well be heavier on those now in the work force and those who honestly report their earnings.
Let’s just hope that all the heated debate about expanding welfare benefits leads to all taxpayers equally and with dignity doing their part in the process.
Korea- 'Welfare war' flaring up - 01-23-2011
Traditionally, national security issues regarding North Korea’s military threats and economy-related matters dominated the agenda for parliamentary or presidential elections, but not this time.
Ahead of next year’s general and presidential elections, the rival political parties are wrangling over public welfare policies, which the parties and political observers believe will sway the public opinion in the elections to an extent.
“The main opposition Democratic Party (DP)’s successful bid to free lunches for all elementary and secondary students ignited this ‘war of welfare,’” a political observer told The Korea Times.
“The opposition party, in fact, benefited from the free school lunch campaign in last year’s local elections, so they want to capitalize on the ‘free-series’ welfare programs more and the ruling Grand National Party (GNP) had to respond to it,” he said. “The problem is that any welfare program would eventually sacrifice taxpayers’ money.”
In December, the DP-backed Seoul Metropolitan Council passed the 2011 budget bill containing about 70 billion won earmarked for free school meals, despite vehement opposition by Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon, a potential presidential candidate on the GNP ticket, and conservative civic groups.
Oh has argued free lunches should be offered only to students from low-income families, and more money should instead be spent to improve welfare benefits for the underprivileged students. Otherwise, the mayor claims, the government’s fiscal soundness would be dent seriously.
The DP says limiting free lunches in accordance with income level would stigmatize students who receive them actually perceptive of indicators of wealth and class.
Following its successful free school lunch campaign, the center-left DP has laid out a package of “universal” welfare programs, which the conservative GNP denounces populist plans that would lead to collecting more taxes.
DP’s proposals include a free health care for the entire population, free childcare and half-priced tuition for college students.
The party claims, for example, the free medical service is aimed at paying 90 percent of an individual’s medical expenses by 2015.
Currently, 62 percent of medical fees is covered by state health insurance and 38 percent is covered by individuals.
The DP estimates that about 8 trillion won would be required for the new program and it wants to levy a new 5.64 percent tax to finance about half of the target.
Proponents in the DP for the free medical service plan argues the program is feasible when the government cuts unnecessary spending in some state projects, scrap a plan to reduce taxes for the high-income bracket, and expand composite income tax.
Rep. Chung Dong-young, a member of DP’s supreme council, Thursday called for garnering about 20 trillion won from people on high incomes to implement the party’s welfare plans.
In the face of criticism about a lack of financial resources for the party’s welfare campaign, the DP announced a plan to launch a 20-member panel next month to verify the feasibility of the party’s pledges of broader welfare benefits.
The GNP denies DP’s welfare policies.
It says the free medical care would cost about 30 trillion won annually, criticizing the DP for make an estimation of the cost too conservatively apparently to win the public support.
The party also says the free lunch plan would cost some 1.7 trillion won and free child care, 6.8 trillion won. The half-price tuition program would cost about 4.9 trillion won.
Minister of Health and Welfare Chin Soo-hee backed the GNP position.
“The DP’s free public health program isn’t truly free,” she said. “An extra 30 trillion is needed to finance the program, and in this case, the cost of health insurance fees will be doubled. This will greatly burden both low- and high-income classes.”
Former GNP chairwoman Rep. Park Geun-hye, a prominent presidenital candidate for next year’s presidential race, expressed concern about DP’s welfare plans.
In a luncheon with technocrats-turned-lawmakers of the GNP, Park called for a “tailored welfare policy” to give benefits to those in need selectively.
Earlier on Friday, a presidential panel proposed a hybrid between the welfare pledges of both the GNP and DP.
In its report to President Lee Myung-bak, the Presidential Council for Future & Vision suggested that the government resume the so-called Human New Deal Project, a 2009 measure aimed at helping low-income households during a global financial crisis.
The panel said the government needs to pursue both welfare policies so that beneficiaries can be decided depending on situations and conditions.
It said the Human New Deal Project can serve as a stepping stone to the Korean-style welfare model.
Under the project, the government will step up a drive to reduce household spending on private education, communication and renting houses, while focusing efforts on creating jobs and encouraging the launch of social enterprises and one-man businesses in high-tech industries.
Taiwan- ๅฅไฟ็ธฝ้ซๆชข ่ฅๅๅนด็3็พๅ-2011/01/28
(ไธญๅคฎ็คพ่จ่ ๆบซ่ฒด้ฆๅฐๅ28ๆฅ้ป)็ฃๅฏๅงๅก้ป็ ้็ญไบบไปๅคฉๅฎๆ「ๅ จๆฐๅฅไฟ็ธฝ้ซๆชขๅ ฑๅ」ๆๅบ,ๅฅไฟๆฏไปๅถๅบฆไธๅ ฌ、ๅ ไธๆฏๅนด่ฅๅๆตช่ฒป้ๆฐๅฐๅนฃ300ๅๅ ,ๅปบ่ญฐ่กๆฟ้ข็ทจๅ้กไผผ5ๅนด500ๅๅ ๅฐๆฌพๅฐ็จ,ๆนๅๆฏไปๅถๅบฆ。
็ฃๅง้ป็ ้、ๆฒ็พ็、ๅ่ๅไธๅๅฌ้「ๆๅๅ จๆฐๅฅๅบทไฟ้ช็ธฝ้ซๆชขๆก」่จ่ ๆ,ๆฒ็พ็่กจ็คบ,ๅฅนๅฏฆๅฐ่จชๆฅ้ซ็้ขๆ,ไธ่ซๆญฃๅผๆ็งไธไบๅๅ ดๅ,ๅคงๅฎถๅ ฑๅ็ๆๅๅฐฑๆฏ้ซ็่ณๆบๆตช่ฒปๆ「3ๅค」,ๅณ「็็ ๅค、ๆฟ่ฅๅค、ๆชขๆฅๅค。」
ๅฅน่ชช,้ซ็้ขๆ็ฌฌไธ็ท็็ผ่จ,ๅธธๆๅฐ่ฅ่ฒปๆฏๅบไฝๅฅไฟ็ตฆไป(ๆฐๅ100ๅนดๅฅไฟ็ตฆไปๅฐ่ถ ้5000ๅๅ )็1/4,่ฅ่ฒปๆฏๅบไธญๆ1/4็่ฅๆชๆ็จ,้็จฎ่ฅๅ่ฒป็จๆตช่ฒป้ซ้300ๅๅ ,ไปคไบบ็กๆณไธๅดๆญฃ้ขๅฐ。
้ป็ ้่กจ็คบ,ๅฅไฟๆฏไปๅถๅบฆ่จญ่จไธ่ฏ่ไธๅ ฌ,็ถๅๅฅไฟ้่พฆๅไฟไธ่ทฏ,ๆฏไปๅถๅบฆๆฒฟ็จๅ ฌไฟ、ๅไฟ็ตฆไป,่ฒป็จๅไฝ,ๅฐ่ดๅ ง、ๅค、ๅฉฆ、ๅ 4ๅคง็งไบบๆๆตๅคฑ;ๅ ไธ「ไปฅ่ฅ้ค้ซ」็่ฅๅนๅทฎ,ๅทฒๆ็บ้ซ้ข็ๅญๆๅพไธ้「้ฆฌๅ ถ่ซพ้ฒ็ท」,้ซ็ๆฉๆง็็ถ็ๅทฒๆญฅๅ ฅ่ฑ้ฃๆๆ。
ไป่ชช,็บ็ขบไฟๅฅไฟๆฐธ็บ็ถ็,็ถญ่ญท้ซๅธซๅฐๆฅญๅ ฑ้ ฌๅๆๆ็ๅฐๅด,่ก็็ฝฒๆ้ๆฐๅ จ็คๆชข่จ่จบ็่ฒป、่็ฝฎ่ฒปๅๆ่ก่ฒป็ๅ็ๆง。
้ป็ ้ๆๅบ,่กๆฟ้ขๆๆญๆซซๅ ทๆ่ๅฌๆง็้ฎฎๆไธปๅผต,ไปฅ้กไผผ5ๅนด500ๅๅ ็่จ็ซ,็ถ็ฑ「ๅคๅ ็บไธป、ๅ งๅซ็บ่ผ」็้ ็ฎ็ทจๅๆนๅผ,ๅฐๆฌพๅฐ็จ,ๅ จๅ้ๆฏๅ ง、ๅค、ๅฉฆ、ๅ 4ๅคง็ง、ๅฎ่ญท็คพๅ้ซ้ข็็ฎๆจ。
ไปๅปบ่ญฐ,่กๆฟ้ขๅฎ่ฒฌๆ่ก็็ฝฒ,ๅ่่ฑๅ「ๅ็ซๅฅๅบทๅ่จๅบ็ ็ฉถๅ่ถ็ ็ฉถ้ข」(็ฐก็จฑNICE)็ๅฎไฝ่ๅ่ฝ,็ตๅๅ็จฎๅฐๅฎถ่ๅฐๆฅญๆงๅ้ซ,ไปฅๅๅๅฑฌๅๅฎถ่ก็็ ็ฉถ้ข็่ก็็ ็ฉถ็ผๅฑไธญๅฟไบบๅก,ๆ็ซ้กไผผ่ฒกๅๆณไบบๆง่ณช็ๅฐ็ฃๅฅไฟ็ ็ฉถ้ข,็บๅฅๅบทไฟ้ฒ、็พ็ ้ ้ฒๅๆฒป็็ธ้็ๆบๅ็ผๅฑ,ๆไพๅฎข่ง、็จ็ซๅๅ ทไปฃ่กจๆง่ๅ ฌไฟกๅ็่ซฎ่ฉขๅปบ่ญฐ。1000128
ๆฟๆฒปๅญธ Political Science[1]
1.1 ์ ํต์ ์ ์นํ: ์ ์น์ฌ์, ๊ท๋ฒ์ ํ๋ฌธ ¶
1.2 19~20์ธ๊ธฐ์ ์ ์นํ: ์ ์น์ด๋ก ๊ณผ ์ ๋, ์ค์ฆ์ ํ๋ฌธ ¶
1.3 ํ๋: ๊ณผํ์ผ๋ก์์ ์ ์นํ๊ณผ ๊ทธ์ ๋ํ ๋นํ ¶
2 ์ ์นํ์ ๋ถ์ผ ¶
2.1 ์ ์น์ฌ์/์ฒ ํ ¶
2.2 ์ ์น์ด๋ก /์ ๋ ¶
2.3 ์ ์นํ์ฐ๊ตฌ๋ฐฉ๋ฒ๋ก ¶
2.4 ๋น๊ต์ ์นํ ¶
2.5 ์ ์น๊ฒฝ์ ํ ¶
2.6 ๊ตญ์ ์ ์นํ ¶
2.7 ๊ณต๊ณต์ ์ฑ ํ ¶
[2] ๊ฒฝ์ ํ๊ณผ ๋น๊ตํด ๋ณด๋ฉด ๋ ํ๋ฌธ์ด ์ฌํํ์์ ๋ํ์ฌ ์๋ก ์ด๋ค ๋ค๋ฅธ ๊ด์ ์ ๊ฐ์ง๊ณ ์๋์ง ์ ์ ์์ด ํฅ๋ฏธ๋กญ๋ค. ์ฐธ๊ณ ๋ก ์ํ์ํค ๊ฒฝ์ ํ ํญ๋ชฉ์ ๊ฒฝ์ ํ์ ๋ํ ์ ์๋ ๋ค์๊ณผ ๊ฐ๋ค: ์์์ ํฌ์์ฑ์ด๋ผ๋ ์ ์ ํ์ ํฉ๋ฆฌ์ ํ์์์ธ ๊ฐ์ธ๊ณผ ์ง๋จ์ด ์ด๋ ํ ์ ํ์ ํ๋๊ฐ์ ๋ฌธ์ ๋ฅผ ๋ค๋ฃจ๋ ํ๋ฌธ.
[3] ์ด ์ธ์๋ ์ฌ๋ฌ ๊ฐ์ง ์ ์๊ฐ ์๋ค.
[4] ๋ฌผ๋ก ์กฐ๊ธ๋ง ๊ณต๋ถํด ๋ด๋ ๊ทธ ์๊ฐ์ด ์๋ชป๋ ๊ฒ์์ ์ฝ๊ฒ ํ์ธํ ์ ์๋ค.
[5] ์ด๋ฌํ ์ ํต์ ํ์ฌ์ ์ ์นํ์๋ ๊ณ์น๋์ด, ์ ์นํ ๊ด๋ จ ๊ฐ๋ก /์ ๋ฌธ ์์ ์์๋ ์์ง๋ ์ ์นํ์ ์ฌ๋ฌ ๋ถ์ผ๋ฅผ ์ด๊ฑฐํ ๋ ์ ์น์ฌ์์ ๊ฐ์ฅ ์์ ๋๋๋ค.
[6] ํนํ ์นธํธ์ ์ ์ ์ค ์ ๋ช ํ "์๊ตฌํํ(perpetual peace)"๋ 21์ธ๊ธฐ์ ๊ตญ์ ์ ์นํ์์ ๋ฏผ์ฃผํํ๋ก (democratic peace theory)์ด๋ผ๋ ์๋ก์ด ๊ฐ๋ ์ผ๋ก ๊ณ์น๋๋ค.
[7] ๋ฌผ๋ก , ๋ฒ์จ 90๋ ์ด ๋ค ๋์ด ๊ฐ๋๋ฐ๋ ํ๊ตญ์ ์ ์นํ์ ๋ํ ์ธ์์ ๋งค์ฐ ํธํฅ์ ์ด์ง๋ง(...)
[8] ํ์ ํ์ ์ ์นํ๊ณผ ์์ ํ ๋ถ๋ฆฌํ๋ ์ ์ฅ์์๋ ๊ณต๊ณต์ ์ฑ ํ์ ํ์ ํ์ ์ผ๋ถ๋ถ์ผ๋ก ์ง์ด๋ฃ๊ธฐ๋ ํ๋ค.
[9] ์ ์น์ฌ์ ์ ๊ณต์ผ๋ก ๋ฏธ๊ตญ์ top school ๋ํ์ ๊ณผ์ ์ ๋ค์ด๊ฐ๋ ํ๊ตญ ํ๋ถ ์ถ์ ์ 1๋ ์ 1๋ช ์ด ์ฑ ๋ ๊น๋ง๊น ํ๋ค.
[10] ์๋ฅผ ๋ค๋ฉด 1๋50 ํฑํฌ ํ๋ผ๋ชจ๋ธ์ 300์ข ์ด์ ์ฌ๋ชจ์๋ค๋ ์์ธ๋ํ๊ต ์ธ๊ตํ๊ณผ์ ์ด๋ค ๋ถ์ด๋ผ๋ ๊ฐ(...)